International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

-

About the event: A fundamental premise of the nuclear revolution theory (TNR) is the claim of assured destruction—the ability of a state to retaliate with a nuclear second-strike that leads to the destruction of the adversary’s sociopolitical-economic-industrial infrastructure, denying it the ability to survive as a viable modern nation-state. However, as we enter an era of renewed strategic great power competition, emerging technological advances have reanimated questions about the continued relevance of TNR. Can a state employing emerging technologies significantly undermine the assured destruction capabilities of its adversary? Using insights and techniques from Self-Organized Criticality theory, Dr. Sankaran analytically reexamines and models the requirements for assured destruction. He demonstrates that the networked structure of critical infrastructures continues to make advanced industrial states extremely vulnerable to assured destruction—at a fraction of Cold War arsenal requirements. Dr. Sankaran argues that advanced industrial nation-states remain vulnerable to assured destruction retaliatory strikes.

About the speaker: Jaganath “Jay” is an associate professor in the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at The University of Texas at Austin and a non-resident fellow in the Foreign Policy program at the Brookings Institution. He works on problems at the intersection of international security and science & technology. Dr. Sankaran spent the first four years of his career as a defense scientist with the Indian Missile R&D establishment. Dr. Sankaran’s work in weapons design and development led to his interests in missile defenses, space weapons, nuclear weapons, military net assessment, and arms control.

The current focus of his research is the growing strategic and military competition between the major powers. In particular, Dr. Sankaran studies the impact of emerging technological advances on international politics, warfare, and nuclear weapons doctrine. His recent publications examine the impact of five technologies—small satellites, hypersonic weapons, machine learning, cyber weapons, and quantum sensing—on nuclear operations, strategic nuclear stability, and international security. His other recent publications have explored a multitude of national security issues, including the lessons for air power emerging from the Russia-Ukraine War, the politics behind the India-China border crises, and the influence of missile defenses on great power nuclear deterrence.

Dr. Sankaran has held fellowships at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, and the RAND Corporation. He has held visiting positions at the Congressional Budget Office’s National Security Division, the School of Advanced Air and Space Studies (SAASS) at the U.S. Air University, Tsinghua University, and the National Institute for Defense Studies (Tokyo). Dr. Sankaran has served on study groups of the National Academies of Sciences (NAS) and the American Physical Society (APS) Panel on Public Affairs examining missile defenses and strategic stability. Dr. Sankaran’s first book, “Bombing to Provoke: Rockets, Missiles, and Drones as Instruments of Fear and Coercion,” was published by Oxford University Press. He has published in International Security, Contemporary Security Policy, Journal of Strategic Studies, Journal of East Asian Studies, Asian Security, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Arms Control Today, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, and other outlets. The RAND Corporation and the Stimson Center have also published his research.

 All CISAC events are scheduled using the Pacific Time Zone.

No filming or recording without express permission from speaker.

William J. Perry Conference Room

Jaganath Sankaran
Seminars
Date Label
Paragraphs

Peace seems to have broken out between India and China. On Oct. 23, 2024, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese leader Xi Jinping had their first bilateral meeting since 2019. Statements from the foreign ministries of both countries declared a “resolution of issues that arose in 2020,” referring to the crisis that began when Chinese troops launched a number of incursions across the Line of Actual Control — the disputed border between the two countries — in Ladakh. Under the terms of a new “disengagement” agreement, China withdrew its forces from the remaining places where they had crossed the border in 2020, and both sides’ militaries have resumed patrolling in the same areas as they had before the Chinese incursions.

However, despite the apparent easing of tensions between the two countries, the Ladakh crisis of 2020–24 will cast a long shadow over India’s security and role in the region. The period of acute crisis itself was a valuable learning experience for both sides: China likely gleaned important tactical and strategic insights on India, while India developed a new understanding of the threat posed by China. The October deal does not, therefore, restore the status quo ante — there is no going back. But how, exactly, has the crisis affected India’s national security over the long term?

Continue reading at warontherocks.com

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Authors
Arzan Tarapore
Paragraphs

Political winds seem to be shifting, with India adopting a more conciliatory crouch towards China. In a podcast released in mid-March, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his warmest comments about China in years, saying “only through dialogue can we build a stable, cooperative relationship”, which is “essential for global stability and prosperity”. Chinese officials lapped it up.

This has not come out of nowhere. India-China relations have been slowly recovering since they ruptured in 2020, when China launched multiple incursions across the Line of Actual Control, into Ladakh, and a skirmish killed 20 Indian soldiers. Military talks haltingly disengaged forces from many sites on the border. Despite a diplomatic freeze, bilateral trade grew to set new records. And less than six months ago, in October last year, India and China made a surprising deal to disengage their troops from the last two incursion sites. The crisis was nominally resolved, and the two countries were on the path toward normalisation.

Continue reading at thehindu.com

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

When it comes to China ties, India must note that a stabilisation policy also requires wielding a sharp sword

Authors
Arzan Tarapore
Paragraphs

The condolence messages were immediate and unqualified. Hours and days after the horrific 22 April attack at Pahalgam in India – where terrorists based and trained in Pakistan, according to Indian police, targeted Hindu men and killed 26 – world leaders rushed to offer sympathy and support to India. Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said “we stand with India,” a sentiment also shared by US President Donald Trump. They did not call for Indian restraint – instead, they offered their unqualified support. But what form of support could partners such as Australia and the United States provide?

The United States obviously has the most to offer. It could use some of its formidable intelligence capabilities to help hunt for the attack perpetrators and their networks, support Indian military operations, or warn of counter-attacks. It also has a wider suite of policy levers, including economic coercion, to extract Pakistani concessions on its backing of terrorists.

Continue reading at lowyinstitute.org

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

Stepping up overflight surveillance in the Indian Ocean would be a good start.

Authors
Arzan Tarapore
Paragraphs

Last month in New Delhi, the commander of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, Admiral Samuel Paparo, met with senior counterparts from Australia, India, and Japan. This informal group of four countries, known as the Quad, has repeatedly declared that it has no defense pillar, so a meeting of its military leaders is an extremely rare event. In January, a meeting of the Quad’s foreign ministers also placed an unusually heavy emphasis on security. 

From its inception, the Quad has grappled with nontraditional security challenges, such as natural disasters and illegal fishing. But its members have largely refrained from integrating their conventional military operations. That may be changing, and a change would be welcome: as China’s power and influence grow, the United States and its partners in the region can no longer afford to deprioritize security cooperation.

Continue reading here.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

The Quad Was a Good Start, but China ’ s Growing Influence Demands More Security Cooperation

Authors
Arzan Tarapore
Paragraphs

Executive Summary:

The balance of military power in the Indian Ocean is on the cusp of shifting. China is rapidly expanding its naval capacity and preparing for a larger naval presence in the Indian Ocean. Regardless of its long-term interests, the growth of Chinese submarine capability will give it the ability to exercise sea denial in coming years. This will pose an unprecedented strategic challenge for India and its partners such as Australia and the United States, which all seek the ability to exercise some form of sea control in the Indian Ocean. 

At the same time, early evidence suggests that India has deprioritised investments in naval capability in favour of ground and air capabilities since the beginning of a border crisis with China in 2020. India is not keeping pace with its own earlier rates of naval capability development, let alone accelerating to keep pace with the impending growth of Chinese power in the Indian Ocean. 

To manage this emerging risk, India and its partners should focus on deepening cooperation in anti-submarine warfare and undersea warfare. Such cooperation already occurs, but it remains episodic and limited in scope. Closer cooperation could take at least 3 forms: 

  • More routine and possibly even automated sharing of data on undersea domain awareness. This sharing could be calibrated in multiple dimensions — data from different sensors can be treated with different levels of sensitivity and shared with different partners.
  • Coordination of naval operations, so that Chinese submarines would be less able to exploit gaps and seams between different countries’ surveillance capabilities. A hypothetical ‘Combined Anti-Submarine Warfare Operations Center’ could serve as a ready-made clearing house for situational awareness and coordination, in accordance with partners’ risk acceptance at any given time.
  • Co-development of new technologies, especially in unmanned undersea vehicles, sensors, or artificial intelligence algorithms to process collected data. Compared to building new submarines, such capabilities could be developed and fielded quickly at a relatively affordable cost.

Read the full journal article here.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Authors
Arzan Tarapore
Paragraphs

The competition between democracies and authoritarian regimes will shape the future of global power. China and Russia, alongside North Korea and Iran, aim to weaken US influence. To prevail, the United States must integrate economic power into its strategy, counter unfair trade practices, and support key industries. This report urges President Trump to issue an executive order for a coordinated economic statecraft strategy and improved analytic capabilities to enhance decision making.

Key Takeaways

  • Competition between the free world and authoritarian regimes will determine whether democracy and free-market economies prevail over authoritarianism and statist economic models.
  • American economic power is essential to winning this competition, yet US administrations consistently undervalue the degree to which strategic application of economic power is essential for advancing US vital interests.
  • President Trump has a historic opportunity to correct this chronic shortcoming in US grand strategy with an integrated approach to economic statecraft.

Read the full report at hoover.org

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Reports
Publication Date
Subtitle

The competition between democracies and authoritarian regimes will shape the future of global power.

Authors
Andrew Grotto
-

About the event: Over the last two decades, the United States has supported a range of militias, rebels, and other armed groups in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Critics have argued that such partnerships have many perils, from enabling human rights abuses to seeding future threats. Is it possible to work with such forces but mitigate some of these risks? In Illusions of Control: Dilemmas in Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, Erica L. Gaston explores U.S. efforts to do just that, drawing on a decade of field research and hundreds of interviews with stakeholders to unpack the dilemmas of attempting to control proxy forces.

The book has been described by reviewers as a "grim but necessary autopsy of America’s policy failures” in the last two decades (Ariel Ahram) and a book that casts light on the "moral hazards and strategic pitfalls of partnerships forged in war" (H.R. McMaster). Gaston’s conclusions not only suggest a greater need for strategic thinking in how risks are managed and weighed in U.S. Security Policy, but also help nuance the academic frameworks and lenses used to understand proxy warfare dynamics. By combining insights and tools from the fields of international relations that incorporate a more diverse set of international actors with domestic bargaining and organizational theory, the book helps to expand the theoretical toolkit for understanding foreign policy generation.

About the speaker: Dr. Erica Gaston is Head of the Conflict Prevention Programme at United Nations University Centre for Policy Research, and an Adjunct Assistant Professor at Columbia University’s SIPA programme. Her most recent book with Columbia University Press, Illusions of Control: Dilemmas of Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, was recently short-listed for the Conflict Research Society’s Book of the Year Prize 2025. Her prior academic articles and book compendiums have considered changing norms and practices within international humanitarian law.

She has a B.A from Stanford University, a juris doctorate from Harvard Law School, and a PhD from Cambridge University.

 All CISAC events are scheduled using the Pacific Time Zone.

No filming or recording without express permission from speaker.

William J. Perry Conference Room

Erica Gaston
Seminars
Date Label
-

About the event: Scholars of nuclear brinkmanship have long debated whether nuclear crises are dominated by a balance of resolve, or whether nuclear superiority may offset that balance in favor of the more technologically advanced competitor. Recent studies indicate the latter, suggesting that the high accuracy of modern strategic weapons may have ushered in a “new era of counterforce dominance.” The state that masters those weapons, they argue, can steel their resolve if they become confident in their ability to eliminate an adversary’s retaliatory nuclear forces in a disarming first strike. Yet these counterforce enthusiasts overlook an important technological headwind: the complexity of advanced weapon systems can confound nuclear planners’ ability to predict their performance in a real nuclear exchange. This challenge is particularly acute for counterforce systems that cannot be tested in operational settings, and whose failure would bring catastrophic consequences on their user. Drawing from scholarship in complexity theory and science and technology studies, Lawrence argues that nuclear competitions are also beset by a balance of nuclear humility: States with more grandiose, technically demanding nuclear doctrines can be less confident in their knowledge, must work harder to retain their capabilities, and can hence be less certain in the success of their nuclear missions. More humble competitors may address their vulnerabilities with relatively modest innovation, and fret less over vagaries of the unknown. Crucially, the advantages and disadvantages of technological humility can run against those traditionally associated with the balances of capability and resolve. Lawrence illustrates this dynamic by constructing a Monte Carlo simulation of a counterforce strike with modern US strategic missiles on China’s silo-based missile force. He shows that small variations in parameters that cannot be known to the attacker with certainty correspond to wide variation in strike outcomes. The resulting uncertainty in costs to the attacker complicates popular strategic theories of damage limitation.

About the speaker: Christopher Lawrence is Assistant Professor of Science, Technology and International Affairs in Georgetown University's Walsh School of Foreign Service. He studies the histories of U.S. nonproliferation engagement with North Korea and Iran, as well as the epistemic communities in the West that create knowledge about those countries’ nuclear programs. His academic writing has been published in International Security, Social Studies of Science, Journal of Applied Physics, and IEEE Transactions on Nuclear Science. He has also written policy analysis for various online publications, including Bulletin of Atomic Scientists and War on the Rocks.

Prior to Joining SFS, Christopher carried out postdoctoral fellowships at Stanford’s Center for International Security and Cooperation; Harvard’s Program on Science, Technology and Society and Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs; and Princeton’s Program on Science and Global Security. He carried out his PhD dissertation in Nuclear Science and Engineering at University of Michigan, where he developed novel neutron-spectroscopy techniques for characterizing nuclear warhead components for treaty verification.

 All CISAC events are scheduled using the Pacific Time Zone.

No filming or recording without express permission from speaker.

William J. Perry Conference Room

Christopher Lawrence
Seminars
Date Label
Subscribe to International Relations