Technology
Paragraphs

OVERVIEW
 

The global demand for “AI sovereignty” is increasingly shaping AI policy and safety discussions. What was once a niche concern has become a widely shared priority, with more countries seeking control over how AI is built, deployed, and governed within their borders. This memo synthesizes key insights on the drivers of AI sovereignty, how countries are operationalizing it in practice, and the implications for U.S. diffusion strategy and managing global risks.

Three premises frame the analysis. First, emerging economies and middle powers are becoming crucial partners, consumers, and suppliers in the global AI ecosystem. Second, U.S. leadership in frontier AI creates a narrow—and likely diminishing—window to shape how this technology diffuses. Third, understanding what countries actually want from AI is critical to designing a sustainable U.S. diffusion strategy and navigating shared risks.

These insights draw on ongoing research from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and Stanford's Program on Geopolitics, Technology, and Governance (GTG), and were further developed at a workshop, “AI Sovereignty, Diffusion, and Risk: Strategy in a Contested Landscape,” convened by CEIP and GTG on June 17, 2026 with experts from civil society, industry, and academia.
 

KEY INSIGHTS
 

“AI sovereignty” is a politically potent but analytically ambiguous concept, driven primarily by a desire to manage dependence and extractivism, and to obtain AI suited to local contexts.
 

While the term “AI sovereignty” is ambiguous, it has become an increasingly influential part of international AI discussions. Sovereignty goals seem less about achieving true technological autarky (widely seen as unfeasible), and more about a desire to secure national interests (economic, security, cultural) within a tech landscape dominated by the U.S. and China. In this way, AI sovereignty might be practically understood better as “AI agency:” a country's ability to execute choices in line with national interests. In search of this agency, countries will likely pursue a strategy that combines assured access arrangements for foreign AI models and hardware with efforts to diversify and build domestic capacity (indigenous or modified foreign open-source) if such access is disrupted. These domestic capacity efforts tend to focus on cheaper, multilingual, and multimodal models contextually attuned to underserved markets.

Sovereignty can serve as a source of resilience, and, increasingly, may serve as a deterrent against being cut off from frontier AI capabilities. To achieve this deterrent effect, countries are likely to seek sources of leverage along the AI value chain. These may include:

  • Control over scarce resources in the AI supply chain, such as critical minerals or low-cost energy for powering data centers.
  • Significant market power that makes a country an indispensable consumer of AI services.
  • Refining high-value local data for domestic value capture.
     

These sources of leverage, however, could be a depreciating asset, as a nation may only be able to threaten or use its leverage once before providers diversify away from it.

Perceptions of AI risk within sovereignty debates rarely focus on concerns over shared catastrophic and large-scale threats.
 

Discussions of AI sovereignty in many middle powers and emerging economies are primarily driven by concerns over dependency, extractivism, market concentration, and geopolitical subordination. Cross-border, large-scale AI risks like cyberattacks, biosecurity, or rogue AI agents have not been central to these debates to date, as they are often perceived as remote or lower priority than immediate economic and political concerns and assured access to AI technology.

Recent events, such as the U.S. government blocking Anthropic's Fable model access, have reinforced this focus on dependency. While the incident highlighted the potential for dangerous capabilities, the primary international reaction has been concerned with the U.S. wielding a “kill switch” over model deployment, reinforcing fears of unilateral control and strengthening the case for AI sovereignty.

This dynamic could shift as AI capabilities diffuse. The widespread availability of powerful models capable of causing significant cross-border harm, such as cybersecurity failures in critical infrastructure, may force a re-evaluation. In such a scenario, the salience of shared safety and security could rise, potentially aligning national interests more closely with global risk mitigation efforts.

Countries are actively pursuing sovereign AI projects, but a significant gap persists between ambitious strategies and operational capacity.
 

A clear trend of sovereign-related AI projects and announcements is underway globally, especially in the EU, Indo-Pacific, and Gulf States. These initiatives range from building national compute clusters and developing domestic models to pursuing legal arrangements to ensure data localization and provide assured access to foreign AI models.

However, a significant gap often exists between high-level ambitions and the operational capacity to implement them, as many efforts lack clear funding and technical expertise.

The viability of these national ambitions may hinge on a critical, and often unresolved, distinction: identifying which use cases can use “good enough” AI, relying on less advanced models and infrastructure, versus those that require access to the frontier.

The future trajectory of AI—whether dominated by a few frontier labs or a broader open-source ecosystem—is a central uncertainty shaping national strategies.
 

A fundamental tension exists between two potential AI futures: one where a handful of frontier labs create a runaway capability gap, and another where open-source models remain competitive and useful for most purposes.

In a world where frontier models pull away, a U.S.-led stack could become central to the global economy and international security, giving the U.S. unprecedented insight and international leverage.

In contrast, in a world where open-source and fast follower models remain competitive, the strategic calculus shifts, potentially lowering the stakes of frontier competition for many countries and enabling more diversified technology ecosystems.

The concept of an organized “third stack” as an alternative to U.S. and Chinese ecosystems built on open-source models and diverse hardware is a potential pathway for middle powers seeking to avoid dependency. This alternative is only viable if a coalition of middle powers align on standards for procuring and deploying AI to pool their collective purchasing power; the European Union’s regulatory and tech sovereignty efforts are informed by this logic. However, multi-state organization around a third stack faces significant collective action problems, and any effort to create an independent stack could be viewed as a challenge to U.S. national security, incentivizing Washington to pursue bilateral engagements that thwart an emergent alternative.

Even with open models, countries may still want assured access to frontier AI for limited, exquisite capabilities.
 

Even if many countries' economic, development, and security goals can be achieved through “good enough” AI, countries may want access to high-end capabilities for specific purposes. This could give the United States an opportunity to offer assured access to frontier AI in exchange for safety and security commitments.

However, an assured access framework faces major challenges:

  • Trust in U.S. assurances: The U.S. is often not currently seen as a credible, long-term partner. Without trust, assurances are secondary to mutual leverage.
  • Third country leverage: A security–frontier bargain appears most viable with countries that possess something the U.S. wants (e.g., India's data, Brazil's energy resources). Leverage is unclear for states that lack such bargaining chips.
  • Risk perception gap: Safety commitments, especially those framed around catastrophic risks, do not resonate strongly in many parts of the world, where developmental and economic priorities are paramount. For Global Majority economies, legible near-term AI risks include displacement of labor within domestic informal sectors and the devaluation of labor within global value chains.
     

Significant doubts about the U.S. government's ability to execute a nuanced AI partnership strategy highlight the roles of market forces and non-state actors.
 

Many believe the U.S. government currently lacks the capacity and planning to execute a complex global AI diffusion strategy. The U.S. government’s existing toolkit for promoting the U.S. tech stack, including bodies like the Development Finance Corporation (DFC) and EXIM Bank, is difficult to deploy effectively. The government's most effective role may be to de-risk investment and lend credibility in geopolitically critical areas where a natural market does not exist.

In the absence of a robust government strategy, market forces are the primary driver. The quality of U.S. technology creates a natural pull, but this may be counteracted by U.S. policy unpredictability.

In this vacuum, non-governmental actors are stepping in. Philanthropic organizations are brokering agreements between U.S. AI labs and Global Majority countries for specific use cases. However, it remains unclear if these ad-hoc efforts can scale into a coherent ecosystem that benefits U.S. interests.

PRIORITIES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
 

This analysis surfaces several unresolved questions that warrant further research and debate. Priorities for future inquiry include:
 

  • Clarifying the competing futures of AI: Under what conditions might frontier AI models achieve a decisive, compounding advantage over open-source alternatives? What are the key technical and economic indicators that policymakers should monitor to assess which future is becoming more likely? What are the implications for AI risk management?
  • Mapping points of national leverage: Beyond theoretical control over chokepoints, what forms of economic, political, or geographic leverage have proven most effective for middle powers in securing favorable terms for AI access? How durable is this leverage, and can it be pooled regionally to overcome collective action problems?
  • Designing a viable U.S. partnership model: What specific, actionable policy tools are required for the U.S. to offer a compelling “assured access” bargain? How can such a policy be designed to be credible across administrations, especially for countries that lack significant intrinsic market or resource leverage? How should AI risks factor in?
  • Integrating safety into diffusion frameworks: How do perceptions of AI risk influence national sovereignty strategies? What practical mechanisms can embed safety and security commitments into technology partnerships?
     

Download the full PDF here.

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Policy Briefs
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
GTG–CEIP
Paragraphs

Washington’s alliances are under immense strain. Many allies and partners are subject to increased threats from great-power adversaries, and they are coming to doubt whether they can rely on the United States. The response to these pressures is to rearm. Like the United States itself, U.S. partners across Asia, Europe, and elsewhere are building up their defense industrial and technological bases to improve their ability to project power, deter enemies, and prevail in a protracted conflict.

Continue reading at foreignaffairs.com

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

America and Its Allies Must Pool Their Efforts

Journal Publisher
Foreign Affairs
Paragraphs

A new front has opened in the U.S.-China competition in artificial intelligence: open-weight, local AI models. Until recently, the most capable AI models were too big and too costly to run anywhere but in giant data centers packed with expensive, specialized chips. But now these systems are rapidly migrating from the cloud to consumer hardware—including laptops and mobile devices—where they can answer questions, write code, and take actions on a user’s behalf without sending data to a remote server. Thanks to technological advances in both AI models and chips, the so-called open-weight AI models that increasingly underpin most local AI deployments are smarter and smaller than their predecessors and can be freely downloaded from the Internet, modified, and deployed without a centralized provider.

Continue reading at foreignaffairs.com

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

How to Counter Beijing’s Unauthorized “Distillation”

Journal Publisher
Foreign Affairs
Paragraphs

In July, the Trump administration released an artificial intelligence action plan titled “Winning the AI Race,” which framed global competition over AI in stark terms: whichever country achieves dominance in the technology will reap overwhelming economic, military, and geopolitical advantages. As it did during the Cold War with the space race or the nuclear buildup, the U.S. government is now treating AI as a contest with a single finish line and a single victor.

Continue reading at foreignaffairs.com

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

Neither America Nor China Can Achieve True Tech Dominance

Journal Publisher
Foreign Affairs
Paragraphs

In 2022, China’s AI developer community faced dual shocks from the United States. In October, the U.S. government imposed unilateral export controls on semiconductor manufacturing equipment and the most powerful chips for large language model (LLM) training. The following month, OpenAI brought state-of-the-art LLM technology to broad public attention with the launch of ChatGPT. Chinese commentators, noting the government launched a comprehensive plan for AI development five years earlier, asked why breakthroughs were not happening in China, and how Chinese developers could compete with the United States.

Continue reading at hai.stanford.edu.

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
White Papers
Publication Date
Subtitle

DigiChina in collaboration with HAI

Journal Publisher
DigiChina
Paragraphs

In early 2025, President Donald Trump unveiled his “America First Investment Policy,” an effort to make the United States a more appealing destination for foreign capital from U.S. allies. Since then, President Trump has secured commitments from many trading partners to significantly ramp-up their investment in the United States. Regulators now should focus on reducing red tape and eliminating unnecessary barriers to investment to ensure that this wave of foreign capital generates returns for the American people and advances U.S. national security.

One area ripe for reform is the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), an interagency regulatory body chaired by the Treasury Department and accountable to the President.

Read the full paper here.

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
White Papers
Publication Date
Paragraphs

In recent years, the previous bipolar nuclear order led by the United States and Russia has given way to a more volatile tripolar one, as China has quantitatively and qualitatively built up its nuclear arsenal. At the same time, there have been significant breakthroughs in the field of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies, including for military applications. As a result of these two trends, understanding the AI-nuclear nexus in the context of U.S.-China-Russia geopolitical competition is increasingly urgent.

There are various military use cases for AI, including classification models, analytic and predictive models, generative AI, and autonomy. Given that variety, it is necessary to examine the AI-nuclear nexus across three broad categories: nuclear command, control, and communications; structural elements of the nuclear balance; and entanglement of AI-enabled conventional systems with nuclear risks. While each of these categories has the potential to generate risk, this report argues that the degree of risk posed by a particular case depends on three major factors: the role of humans, the degree to which AI systems become a single point of failure, and the AI offense-defense balance.

Continue reading at cnas.org 

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Reports
Publication Date
Subtitle

U.S.-China-Russia Rivalry at the Nexus of Nuclear Weapons and Artificial Intelligence

Paragraphs

Since the release of ChatGPT in November 2022, the breakneck pace of progress in artificial intelligence has made it nearly impossible for policymakers to keep up. But the AI revolution has only just begun. Today’s most powerful AI models, often referred to as “frontier AI,” can handle and generate images, audio, video, and computer code, in addition to natural language. Their remarkable performance has prompted ambitions among leading AI labs to achieve what is called “artificial general intelligence.” According to a growing number of experts, AGI systems equaling or surpassing humans across a wide range of cognitive tasks—the equivalent of millions of brilliant minds working tirelessly at the top of their fields at machine speed—may soon be capable of unlocking scientific discoveries, enhancing economic productivity, and tackling tough national security challenges. With advances once in the realm of science fiction now in the realm of possibility, the United States has no time to spare in crafting a coherent and truly global strategy.

Continue reading at foreignaffairs.com

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

To Stay Ahead of China, Trump Must Build on Biden’s Work

Paragraphs

Discussions in Washington about artificial intelligence increasingly turn to how the United States can win the AI race with China. One of President Donald Trump’s first acts on returning to office was to sign an executive order declaring the need to “sustain and enhance America’s global AI dominance.” At the Paris AI Action Summit in February, Vice President JD Vance emphasized the administration’s commitment to ensuring that “American AI technology continues to be the gold standard worldwide.” And in May, David Sacks, Trump’s AI and crypto czar, cited the need “to win the AI race” to justify exporting advanced AI chips to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.

Continue reading at foreignaffairs.com

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Subtitle

America Needs More Than Innovation to Compete With China

Paragraphs

In September 2022, National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan identified quantum technologies as one of three — biotech, clean energy (including batteries), and next-generation computing (including quantum and semiconductors)—that are critical to the economic and national security of the United States.1 By allowing for new methods of computation, sensing, and communications, quantum technologies have the potential to revolutionize not only commercial industries, such as financial services, chemical engineering, and energy (among others), but also national security capabilities, such as code breaking and remote sensing.

All Publications button
0
Publication Type
White Papers
Publication Date
Authors
Subscribe to Technology