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Abstract

This Article empirically investigates the connection between harmful narratives on social media and violent acts perpetrated against persons protected under international humanitarian law (IHL) during armed conflict, and then examines the legal implications of such a relationship. First, examining comprehensive datasets from two inter-state armed conflicts (Russia-Ukraine and Armenia-Azerbaijan) as case studies, this Article documents patterns in Telegram data indicating that more violent acts are preceded by increases in harmful narratives than decreases in such content. This suggests that harmful narratives on social media platforms may plausibly contribute to the incidence of real-world violence committed against protected persons during armed conflict. Assuming such a relationship exists, this Article then identifies the legal implications under three relevant bodies of law, arguing that creators and disseminators of such narratives may be in violation of international or domestic law because such content can foreseeably lead to violence. The Article concludes with several policy recommendations for stakeholders, including belligerents, regulating states, social media companies, and humanitarian actors, mapping out a series of actionable steps that could reduce harm against protected persons in conflict settings. Scholars and policymakers must do more to minimize the potential for harm that social media content presents in armed conflict settings.

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Allen S. Weiner
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The US government and Anthropic, which holds a lucrative defense contract, are locked in a bitter dispute over how the military should be able to use the company’s AI models. Dario Amodei, Anthropic’s CEO, has insisted that the company’s models not be used for autonomous weapons or mass surveillance of Americans—uses that the Pentagon says are not contemplated or would be illegal. Negotiations over how to salvage the $200 million contract for classified work grew heated this week, with Amodei saying “we cannot in good conscience” accept the Pentagon’s assurances.

When the Friday afternoon deadline for reaching an agreement came and went, the standoff escalated. President Trump ordered all federal agencies to stop using Anthropic’s artificial intelligence products within six months, calling it “a radical left AI company run by people who have no idea what the real world is all about.” Secretary of War Pete Hegseth went further, designating Anthropic a supply chain risk to national security, which means no other company that does business with the US military could use its products.

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AI is a tool to make the military stronger and the country safer. It can't be held hostage.

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Amy Zegart
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About the event: Emerging technologies developed since the end of the Cold War—and their proliferation to new actors—call into question the prospects for strategic stability in the twenty-first century. Strategic stability exists when rivals are mutually deterred and lack any rational incentive to escalate to nuclear use during conflict. Yet emerging technologies—with their new knowledge and tools with the potential for enhancing military capabilities—are impacting stability in such ways that the assumptions of rationality and deterrence no longer hold. First, these emerging technologies may be able to achieve effects once reserved to nuclear weapons, creating incentives for preemption. Second, these technologies are proliferating horizontally across more states, complicating mutual deterrence. Third, such technologies affect the psychology of decision-makers during crises, undermining rationality. Just as these phenomena may undermine stability, however, adversaries may yet be able to use the very same technologies to restore the strategic balance, although how is not yet fully apparent. In this panel, Herb Lin, Rose McDermott, Jackie Schneider and Harold Trinkunas will discuss their recent contributions to a special issue of the Texas National Security Review on the subject of emerging technologies and strategic stability.

William J. Perry Conference Room

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Stanford University
Encina Hall, E205
Stanford, CA 94305-6165

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Senior Research Scholar
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Harold Trinkunas is the Deputy Director and a Senior Research Scholar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. Prior to arriving at Stanford, Dr. Trinkunas served as the Charles W. Robinson Chair and senior fellow and director of the Latin America Initiative in the Foreign Policy program at the Brookings Institution. His research focuses on issues related to foreign policy, governance, and security, particularly in Latin America. Trinkunas has written on emerging powers and the international order, ungoverned spaces, terrorism financing, borders, and information operations. 

Trinkunas has co-authored Militants, Criminals and Warlords: The Challenge of Local Governance in an Age of Disorder (Brookings Institution Press, 2017), Aspirational Power: Brazil’s Long Road to Global Influence (Brookings Institution Press, 2016) and authored Crafting Civilian Control of the Military in Venezuela (University of North Carolina Press, 2005). He co-edited and contributed to Oxford Handbook of Peaceful Change in International Relations (Oxford University Press, 2021), Three Tweets to Midnight: The Effect of the Global Information Ecosystem on the Risk of Nuclear Conflict  (Hoover Institution Press, 2020), American Crossings: Border Politics in the Western Hemisphere (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), Ungoverned Spaces: Alternatives to State Authority in an Era of Softened Sovereignty (Stanford University Press, 2010), Global Politics of Defense Reform (Palgrave MacMillan, 2008), and Terrorism Financing and State Responses (Stanford University Press, 2007).

Dr. Trinkunas also previously served as an associate professor and chair of the Department of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. He received his doctorate in political science from Stanford University in 1999. He was born in Maracaibo, Venezuela. 

 

Deputy Director, Center for International Security and Cooperation
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Harold Trinkunas

CISAC
Stanford University
Encina Hall, C236
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Senior Research Scholar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation
Hank J. Holland Fellow in Cyber Policy and Security, Hoover Institution
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Dr. Herb Lin is senior research scholar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation and Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution, both at Stanford University.  His research interests relate broadly to the impact of emerging technologies on national security, especially in the digital domain (cyber, artificial intelligence, information warfare and operations), and has written extensively on the role of offensive operations in cyberspace as instruments of national policy.  In addition to his positions at Stanford University, he is Chief Scientist, Emeritus for the Computer Science and Telecommunications Board, National Research Council (NRC) of the National Academies, where he served from 1990 through 2014 as study director of major projects on public policy and information technology.  From 2016 to 2025, he was a member of the Science and Security Board of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. In 2016, he served on President Obama’s Commission on Enhancing National Cybersecurity and in  2021 on the Aspen Commission on Information Disorder.  Prior to his NRC service, he was a professional staff member and staff scientist for the House Armed Services Committee (1986-1990), where his portfolio included defense policy and arms control issues. He received his doctorate in physics from MIT.

Avocationally, he is a longtime folk and swing dancer and a lousy magician. Apart from his work on cyberspace and cybersecurity, he is published in cognitive science, science education, biophysics, and arms control and defense policy. He also consults on K-12 math and science education.

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Herbert Lin
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Jacquelyn Schneider

Jacquelyn Schneider is a Hoover Fellow at the Hoover Institution.  Her research focuses on the intersection of technology, national security, and political psychology with a special interest in cybersecurity, unmanned technologies, and Northeast Asia.

Her work has appeared in Security Studies, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Strategic Studies Quarterly, and Journal of Strategic Studies and is featured in Cross Domain Deterrence: Strategy in an Era of Complexity (Oxford University Press, 2019).  Her current manuscript project is The Rise of Unmanned Technologies with Julia Macdonald (upcoming, Oxford University Press). In addition to her scholarly publications, she is a frequent contributor to policy outlets,  including Foreign Affairs, CFR, Cipher Brief, Lawfare, War on the Rocks, Washington Post, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, National Interest, H-Diplo, and the Center for a New American Security.  

In 2018, Schneider was included in CyberScoop’s Leet List of influential cyber experts.  She is also the recipient of a Minerva grant on autonomy (with co-PIs Michael Horowitz, Julia Macdonald, and Allen Dafoe) and a University of Denver grant to study public responses to the use of drones (with Macdonald).  She was awarded best graduate paper for the International Security and Arms Control section of the International Studies Association, the Foreign Policy Analysis section of the International Studies Association, and the Southwest Social Science Association. 

She is an active member of the defense policy community with previous positions at the Center for a New American Security and the RAND Corporation. Before beginning her academic career, she spent six years as an Air Force officer in South Korea and Japan and is currently a reservist assigned to US Cyber Command. She has a BA from Columbia University, MA from Arizona State University, and PhD from George Washington University.

Hoover Fellow at the Hoover Institution
Jacquelyn Schneider
Rose McDermott
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Please find the conference proceedings here.



About the event: AI-enabled decision systems are moving from labs to operations across military commands, intelligence analysis, crisis management, and clinical settings. The question is no longer if machines will inform high-stakes choices, but how to understand human judgment and accountability as they do, especially as many institutions fielding these systems lack empirical baselines and governance frameworks to manage them.

The Future of Decision-Making Project (FODM), based at Stanford's Center for International Security and Cooperation, is a multi-year international research initiative examining the human dimension of decision-making in these high-stakes domains.

FODM will host a public conference on October 28, 2026, bringing together scholars, practitioners, and operational experts to review the state of the field and future research directions. 
 




Please see the provisional agenda below:

  • 9:00am — Welcome and Framing

  • 9:15am — Keynote Address, Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan
  • 10:00am — The Illusion of Control and AI-Enabled Decision Support, Paul Larcey
  • 10:35am — Break
  • 10:50am — Panel: AI and the Path to Cognitive Surrender, Brad Boyd, Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan, Jackie Schneider
  • 11:40am — Military Decision-Making, LTC Indrek Sarap
  • 12:15pm — Lunch
  • 1:00pm — Command by Algorithm? AI-DSS and the Allocation of Battlefield Risk, Andrew Bell
  • 1:35pm — When Uncertainty Expands Authority: How AI Workflows Can Reduce Scrutiny, Eli Talbert
  • 1:50pm — Preventing Free Rein and Nominal Rein: A Disaggregated Civilian Harm Reporting Framework for AI-Assisted Targeting, Daniel Lucuix
  • 2:30pm — Beyond the Loop: AI-Supported Professional Judgement
    Across Sport and Military Settings, Tim Jones
  • 3:00pm — Break & Research Raffle
  • 3:20pm — The Aid Sector at Machine Speed: AI and the Future of Humanitarian Decision-Making, Rachel George
  • 3:50pm — Self-Determined Nudging and Boosting Cognitive Competences to Improve Decision-Making in the Security-Related Sector: 
    Exploratory Sketch Towards a CoBoNu Framework, Anja Dannewitz
  • 4:25pm — Closing Remarks
     

This event is free and open to the public. Prior registration is required.

 All CISAC events are scheduled using the Pacific Time Zone.

No filming or recording without express permission from speaker.

Bradley L. Boyd
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OVERVIEW
 

The global demand for “AI sovereignty” is increasingly shaping AI policy and safety discussions. What was once a niche concern has become a widely shared priority, with more countries seeking control over how AI is built, deployed, and governed within their borders. This memo synthesizes key insights on the drivers of AI sovereignty, how countries are operationalizing it in practice, and the implications for U.S. diffusion strategy and managing global risks.

Three premises frame the analysis. First, emerging economies and middle powers are becoming crucial partners, consumers, and suppliers in the global AI ecosystem. Second, U.S. leadership in frontier AI creates a narrow—and likely diminishing—window to shape how this technology diffuses. Third, understanding what countries actually want from AI is critical to designing a sustainable U.S. diffusion strategy and navigating shared risks.

These insights draw on ongoing research from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and Stanford's Program on Geopolitics, Technology, and Governance (GTG), and were further developed at a workshop, “AI Sovereignty, Diffusion, and Risk: Strategy in a Contested Landscape,” convened by CEIP and GTG on June 17, 2026 with experts from civil society, industry, and academia.
 

KEY INSIGHTS
 

“AI sovereignty” is a politically potent but analytically ambiguous concept, driven primarily by a desire to manage dependence and extractivism, and to obtain AI suited to local contexts.
 

While the term “AI sovereignty” is ambiguous, it has become an increasingly influential part of international AI discussions. Sovereignty goals seem less about achieving true technological autarky (widely seen as unfeasible), and more about a desire to secure national interests (economic, security, cultural) within a tech landscape dominated by the U.S. and China. In this way, AI sovereignty might be practically understood better as “AI agency:” a country's ability to execute choices in line with national interests. In search of this agency, countries will likely pursue a strategy that combines assured access arrangements for foreign AI models and hardware with efforts to diversify and build domestic capacity (indigenous or modified foreign open-source) if such access is disrupted. These domestic capacity efforts tend to focus on cheaper, multilingual, and multimodal models contextually attuned to underserved markets.

Sovereignty can serve as a source of resilience, and, increasingly, may serve as a deterrent against being cut off from frontier AI capabilities. To achieve this deterrent effect, countries are likely to seek sources of leverage along the AI value chain. These may include:

  • Control over scarce resources in the AI supply chain, such as critical minerals or low-cost energy for powering data centers.
  • Significant market power that makes a country an indispensable consumer of AI services.
  • Refining high-value local data for domestic value capture.
     

These sources of leverage, however, could be a depreciating asset, as a nation may only be able to threaten or use its leverage once before providers diversify away from it.

Perceptions of AI risk within sovereignty debates rarely focus on concerns over shared catastrophic and large-scale threats.
 

Discussions of AI sovereignty in many middle powers and emerging economies are primarily driven by concerns over dependency, extractivism, market concentration, and geopolitical subordination. Cross-border, large-scale AI risks like cyberattacks, biosecurity, or rogue AI agents have not been central to these debates to date, as they are often perceived as remote or lower priority than immediate economic and political concerns and assured access to AI technology.

Recent events, such as the U.S. government blocking Anthropic's Fable model access, have reinforced this focus on dependency. While the incident highlighted the potential for dangerous capabilities, the primary international reaction has been concerned with the U.S. wielding a “kill switch” over model deployment, reinforcing fears of unilateral control and strengthening the case for AI sovereignty.

This dynamic could shift as AI capabilities diffuse. The widespread availability of powerful models capable of causing significant cross-border harm, such as cybersecurity failures in critical infrastructure, may force a re-evaluation. In such a scenario, the salience of shared safety and security could rise, potentially aligning national interests more closely with global risk mitigation efforts.

Countries are actively pursuing sovereign AI projects, but a significant gap persists between ambitious strategies and operational capacity.
 

A clear trend of sovereign-related AI projects and announcements is underway globally, especially in the EU, Indo-Pacific, and Gulf States. These initiatives range from building national compute clusters and developing domestic models to pursuing legal arrangements to ensure data localization and provide assured access to foreign AI models.

However, a significant gap often exists between high-level ambitions and the operational capacity to implement them, as many efforts lack clear funding and technical expertise.

The viability of these national ambitions may hinge on a critical, and often unresolved, distinction: identifying which use cases can use “good enough” AI, relying on less advanced models and infrastructure, versus those that require access to the frontier.

The future trajectory of AI—whether dominated by a few frontier labs or a broader open-source ecosystem—is a central uncertainty shaping national strategies.
 

A fundamental tension exists between two potential AI futures: one where a handful of frontier labs create a runaway capability gap, and another where open-source models remain competitive and useful for most purposes.

In a world where frontier models pull away, a U.S.-led stack could become central to the global economy and international security, giving the U.S. unprecedented insight and international leverage.

In contrast, in a world where open-source and fast follower models remain competitive, the strategic calculus shifts, potentially lowering the stakes of frontier competition for many countries and enabling more diversified technology ecosystems.

The concept of an organized “third stack” as an alternative to U.S. and Chinese ecosystems built on open-source models and diverse hardware is a potential pathway for middle powers seeking to avoid dependency. This alternative is only viable if a coalition of middle powers align on standards for procuring and deploying AI to pool their collective purchasing power; the European Union’s regulatory and tech sovereignty efforts are informed by this logic. However, multi-state organization around a third stack faces significant collective action problems, and any effort to create an independent stack could be viewed as a challenge to U.S. national security, incentivizing Washington to pursue bilateral engagements that thwart an emergent alternative.

Even with open models, countries may still want assured access to frontier AI for limited, exquisite capabilities.
 

Even if many countries' economic, development, and security goals can be achieved through “good enough” AI, countries may want access to high-end capabilities for specific purposes. This could give the United States an opportunity to offer assured access to frontier AI in exchange for safety and security commitments.

However, an assured access framework faces major challenges:

  • Trust in U.S. assurances: The U.S. is often not currently seen as a credible, long-term partner. Without trust, assurances are secondary to mutual leverage.
  • Third country leverage: A security–frontier bargain appears most viable with countries that possess something the U.S. wants (e.g., India's data, Brazil's energy resources). Leverage is unclear for states that lack such bargaining chips.
  • Risk perception gap: Safety commitments, especially those framed around catastrophic risks, do not resonate strongly in many parts of the world, where developmental and economic priorities are paramount. For Global Majority economies, legible near-term AI risks include displacement of labor within domestic informal sectors and the devaluation of labor within global value chains.
     

Significant doubts about the U.S. government's ability to execute a nuanced AI partnership strategy highlight the roles of market forces and non-state actors.
 

Many believe the U.S. government currently lacks the capacity and planning to execute a complex global AI diffusion strategy. The U.S. government’s existing toolkit for promoting the U.S. tech stack, including bodies like the Development Finance Corporation (DFC) and EXIM Bank, is difficult to deploy effectively. The government's most effective role may be to de-risk investment and lend credibility in geopolitically critical areas where a natural market does not exist.

In the absence of a robust government strategy, market forces are the primary driver. The quality of U.S. technology creates a natural pull, but this may be counteracted by U.S. policy unpredictability.

In this vacuum, non-governmental actors are stepping in. Philanthropic organizations are brokering agreements between U.S. AI labs and Global Majority countries for specific use cases. However, it remains unclear if these ad-hoc efforts can scale into a coherent ecosystem that benefits U.S. interests.

PRIORITIES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
 

This analysis surfaces several unresolved questions that warrant further research and debate. Priorities for future inquiry include:
 

  • Clarifying the competing futures of AI: Under what conditions might frontier AI models achieve a decisive, compounding advantage over open-source alternatives? What are the key technical and economic indicators that policymakers should monitor to assess which future is becoming more likely? What are the implications for AI risk management?
  • Mapping points of national leverage: Beyond theoretical control over chokepoints, what forms of economic, political, or geographic leverage have proven most effective for middle powers in securing favorable terms for AI access? How durable is this leverage, and can it be pooled regionally to overcome collective action problems?
  • Designing a viable U.S. partnership model: What specific, actionable policy tools are required for the U.S. to offer a compelling “assured access” bargain? How can such a policy be designed to be credible across administrations, especially for countries that lack significant intrinsic market or resource leverage? How should AI risks factor in?
  • Integrating safety into diffusion frameworks: How do perceptions of AI risk influence national sovereignty strategies? What practical mechanisms can embed safety and security commitments into technology partnerships?
     

Download the full PDF here.

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Washington’s alliances are under immense strain. Many allies and partners are subject to increased threats from great-power adversaries, and they are coming to doubt whether they can rely on the United States. The response to these pressures is to rearm. Like the United States itself, U.S. partners across Asia, Europe, and elsewhere are building up their defense industrial and technological bases to improve their ability to project power, deter enemies, and prevail in a protracted conflict.

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America and Its Allies Must Pool Their Efforts

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Foreign Affairs
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This article identifies psychological, cultural, and organizational factors that drive optimism about emerging military technologies. Psychological influences include bounded rationality, cognitive biases (like the planning fallacy and confirmation bias), and motivated reasoning. Culturally, the US military's “can-do” ethos and historical narratives about technology's role in victory reinforce belief in technological solutions. Organizationally, interservice competition and strategic misrepresentation by program managers seeking resources amplify optimistic projections. All of these factors combine to contribute to technological optimism in US military acquisitions. Consistent with Amara's Law, short-term impacts are overestimated, while long-term effects are underestimated. Similar patterns often emerge as defense technology entrepreneurs consider and present “new” technologies such as AI despite mixed results. Two policy imperatives are discussed: realistic assessment through independent reviews and phased investment, and decentralized experimentation enabling rapid local adaptation alongside traditional top-down innovation.

Find the full article at tnsr.org.

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Herbert Lin
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A new front has opened in the U.S.-China competition in artificial intelligence: open-weight, local AI models. Until recently, the most capable AI models were too big and too costly to run anywhere but in giant data centers packed with expensive, specialized chips. But now these systems are rapidly migrating from the cloud to consumer hardware—including laptops and mobile devices—where they can answer questions, write code, and take actions on a user’s behalf without sending data to a remote server. Thanks to technological advances in both AI models and chips, the so-called open-weight AI models that increasingly underpin most local AI deployments are smarter and smaller than their predecessors and can be freely downloaded from the Internet, modified, and deployed without a centralized provider.

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How to Counter Beijing’s Unauthorized “Distillation”

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Foreign Affairs
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In January, news broke that a notorious People’s Republic of China (PRC) cyber espionage campaign called Salt Typhoon compromised email systems used by House of Representatives staffers. The affected systems included the committees responsible for monitoring and countering China’s influence, including the China, Foreign Affairs, Intelligence and Armed Services committees.

Congress is more than just a victim, however. It also has a constitutional responsibility to ensure that cyber laws and budgets are adequate to support the nation’s cyber defenses, and to be transparent about its own cyber challenges. In line with the president’s anticipated cybersecurity strategy, there is an urgent need for stronger congressional leadership in cyber policy, especially when it comes to countering China’s persistent and aggressive intrusions into U.S. infrastructure.

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There is an urgent need for stronger congressional leadership in cyber policy, especially when it comes to countering China’s persistent, aggressive intrusions.

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Andrew Grotto
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ABSTRACT

Discourses on nuclear weapons and military applications of artificial intelligence (AI) portray them either as apocalyptic super weapons, posing catastrophic risks, or as indispensable to states’ national survival and the international security architecture. At the same time, debates about and governance efforts to regulate these weapons have become contested, stalled, or even abandoned. We examine the intersection of both regulatory discourses by asking: How do contemporary apocalyptic discourses about military AI and nuclear weapons shape international security governance of these technologies? Through the concept of apocalyptic imaginaries, we analyze how future-oriented visions capture the simultaneous utopian and dystopian implications of destructive technologies. We identify two cross-cutting apocalyptic imaginaries—exceptionalism and control—that produce specific security governance practices. Our findings reveal how shared apocalyptic imaginaries shape regulatory approaches, increasingly prioritizing risk management and non-proliferation over systemic discussions of disarmament or preventive prohibitions.

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Anna-Katharina Ferl
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