Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The FARC was a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group founded in the 1960s to overthrow the Colombian government and seize control of the country. The FARC’s goal was territorial gain and control within Colombia.[110] Additionally, the FARC opposed American imperialism and financial capital monopolies.[111] Therefore, the FARC opposed U.S. activity and influence in Colombia.[112]
Many leaders of the FARC found inspiration from leftist social movements around the world. In a 2008 interview, Jaime Guaracas, one of the original founders of the FARC, said that FARC leader Manuel Marulanda read and was influenced heavily by the work of Lenin, Marx, Bolívar, and Mao during the group’s formative years.[113]
In 1985, during the 1984-1987 ceasefire that followed the 1984 Uribe Accords, the FARC and the Colombian Communist Party (PCC) co-founded the Patriotic Union (UP), a political party with the goal of presenting formidable opposition to the dominant political entities at the time. In addition to FARC and PCC members, the UP also attracted members of the National Liberation Army (ELN), leftist leaders, and other rebel group members. In order to gain more followers, the UP discouraged the use of arms despite the party’s endorsement from the FARC and other militants. The party sought to address land reform, provide better medical care and educational services for the poor, and nationalize businesses, banks, and transportation systems.[114] The UP was extremely successful during the 1986 elections, winning hundreds of local council seats, nine seats in the House, and six seats in the Senate. Following this success, the Colombian government and paramilitaries allegedly assassinated 500 UP leaders before 1988 and an additional 4,000 UP members by 1992. By 2002, the UP’s legal status as a party was revoked because of lack of members. The party was inactive until 2013, when its legal status was restored.[115]
In 2005, former UP members, including FARC members, created the Alternative Democratic Pole (PDA) political party.[116] The PDA has proven to be fragmented internally, but it publicly supported the peace negotiations between the FARC and the Santos administration.[117]
In 2012, the FARC and President Santos entered into peace talks in Havana, Cuba. The talks, which lasted until November 2016, paved a path to reintegrate former FARC soldiers into Colombian society, and they promised reforms addressing land and urban-rural inequality. In exchange, the Colombian government called for the FARC’s disarmament, demobilization, and cessation of illegal activities such as drug trafficking. [118] The Congress of Colombia approved the resulting peace agreement between the FARC and the Santos administration in November 2016.[119] The FARC joined the Congress of Colombia as a political party in July 2018. Under the 2016 agreement, the party is guaranteed to hold 5 seats in the House of Representatives and 5 seats in the Senate until 2026, regardless of electoral outcomes.[120] However, the FARC can occupy more seats in the Congress of Colombia if it wins them in elections. In the March 2018 congressional elections, the FARC did not win any additional seats beyond those guaranteed by the peace agreement.[121]
There has been tension between the Colombian government and the FARC since the signing and ratification of the 2016 peace accords. Some FARC leaders, such as Ivan Marquéz, have refused to take up their seat in the Colombian Congress in protest of the government’s treatment of former leaders of the FARC under Colombian President Iván Duque, who was elected in June 2018.[122] In 2019, former commanders of the FARC, like Timochenko, wrote statements and spoke in interviews condemning the Colombian government’s failure to protect ex-FARC leaders, both physically and from extradition, as part of the government’s responsibilities from the 2016 peace accords.[123] Additionally, some former leaders of the FARC have failed to comply with the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), the body responsible for determining charges and sentences of ex-members of the FARC.[124]
The FARC’s tactics ranged from kidnapping and extortion, to murders and bombings. Though the FARC kidnapped for ransom since its inception, kidnapping became an integral part of the group’s revenue starting in the 1970s. In 1999, the number of FARC kidnappings, particularly of the Colombian elite, peaked at 3,000. Starting in 1982, the FARC began relying heavily on the drug trade for income in order to expand and fund direct attacks on the Colombian military.[125]
For membership, the FARC reportedly recruited and accepted many child soldiers. The Human Rights Watch estimates that somewhere between 20% and 30% of all members were under 18 years of age, and El Tiempo reports that about 50% of FARC members were under 18 at the time of joining.[126]
In the 1980s, the FARC sought to achieve its goals through the political process. In the 1982 negotiations with President Belisario Betancur, both parties reached an agreement resulting in a ceasefire from 1984 until 1987. In 1985, during the negotiation process, the FARC co-founded a political party, the Patriotic Union (UP), to pursue political and socioeconomic reform. Paramilitary groups persecuted members of the UP and drug gangs, and the UP became inactive less than 20 years after its creation.[127]
During the Santos administration, beginning in 2010, instead of using violent resistance, the FARC sought political involvement, social involvement, and peace negotiations with the Colombian government. These changes suggested an unprecedented shift in a peaceful direction, including possible demobilization.[128] The peace negotiations, known as the Havana Talks, escalated in 2012. As a result, the FARC drastically decreased kidnappings and its involvement in the drug trade.[129]
While the FARC did not consider itself a drug cartel and claimed to be relinquishing ties with the drug business, several reports released in 2015 showed that the FARC was working closely with and training many Mexican cartels.[130] Instead of kidnapping, the group relied on unconventional explosive devices and hit and run tactics.[131] These attacks were more targeted than previous attacks on population centers. In 2014, it was reported that the FARC might have used tree bombs, explosives similar to landmines.[132] The FARC used these tactics during negotiations with the Colombian government as a strategy of attacking while seeking peace.
As of July 2019, FARC dissidents have used food, shelter, and sometimes pay as incentives to recruit Venezuelan refugees into joining the ranks of the FARC dissidents along the Venezuelan-Colombian border.[133] Additionally, FARC dissidents have tried to convince refugees to work for them and complete tasks such as cooking for combatants or picking coca leaves in the jungle along the Venezuelan-Colombian border.[134]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
May 27, 1964: The Colombian military attacked Marulanda’s forty-eight followers in Marquetalia. The militants fought back and, along with others, would later become the FARC. This is considered the FARC’s founding date (unknown killed, unknown wounded). [135]
April 8, 1983: The FARC kidnapped a U.S. citizen for ransom, in what the United States refers to as the FARC’s first attack against the United States (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[136]
August 30, 1996: The FARC's Southern Bloc attacked Las Delicias military base in southwestern Colombia, near the Ecuadorian border (54 killed, 17 wounded).[137]
February 1997: Six armed guerrillas kidnapped a U.S. oil engineer and his Venezuelan pilot in Apure, Venezuela. The United States government alleges the FARC is responsible for this kidnapping (0 killed, unknown wounded)[138]
March 1998: The FARC stationed a roadblock in Bogota. Militants wounded and kidnapped more than 28 people, including U.S. and Italian nationals (3 killed, 14 wounded).[139]
August 3, 1998: In what is known as the Siege of Miraflores, more than 1,500 FARC troops entered the town of Miraflores. Over the span of two days, militants attacked a church, hospital, and military base. They also kidnapped 129 police (19 killed, unknown wounded).[140]
November 1, 1998: Between 1,500 and 2,000 FARC guerrillas launched a 3-day offensive against the remote city of Mitu in Southern Colombia, in which they fought against 120 police officers. The FARC temporarily seized Mitu’s police headquarters. Approximately 800 FARC rebels were killed (840-860 killed, unknown wounded, 84 missing).[141]
February 23, 2002: The FARC kidnapped Ingrid Betancourt, a presidential candidate, along with her campaign manager in 2002. The FARC held them until Colombian forces rescued them both and other hostages in Operation Jaque in 2008 (0 killed, 0 wounded).[142]
May 2, 2002: The FARC clashed with the United Self-Defenders of Colombia (AUC), a right-wing Colombian paramilitary group. During the confrontation, the AUC filled a church with civilians as a human shield. In an attempt to attack the AUC, the FARC launched a gas cylinder bomb at the church and killed the civilians inside. In 2014, the FARC asked for forgiveness for this attack, which later became known as the Bojayá Massacre (79+ killed, unknown wounded).[143]
August 7, 2002: FARC guerrillas launched homemade mortar shells near the Presidential Palace during President Alvaro Uribe's inauguration ceremony (14 killed, 40 wounded).[144]
February 2003: A 330-pound bomb was placed in the garage of Club El Nogal in Bogota. The FARC denied involvement, but email evidence suggests that it was a FARC attack (32 killed, 160-200 wounded)[145]
May 2003: When Colombian Forces attempted to rescue 10 hostages captured in April 2002, the FARC killed all of the hostages (10 killed, unknown wounded).[146]
November 15, 2003: The U.S. government alleges the FARC was responsible for grenade attacks at the Bogota Beer Company in which 5 Americans were injured (1 killed, 73 wounded).[147]
June 2004: The Uribe Administration suspected the FARC was responsible for an attack that killed 34 coca pickers in La Gabarra (34 killed, 5 wounded).[148]
February 2009: The FARC perpetrated two massacres, the first on February 4 and the second on February 11, of the indigenous Awá people in Nariño. Between the two attacks, the FARC tortured and killed 27 members of the Awá community, but some witnesses escaped. The FARC believed that the Nariño community was “conspiring against them” (27 killed, unknown wounded).[149]
December 21, 2009: FARC guerrillas kidnapped Luis Francisco Cuellar, governor of the Caquetá Department, from his home. Cuellar's body was found the following day bound, gagged, and shot (2 killed, unknown wounded).[150]
December 2013: A car bomb was set off in front of a police station in Inza, Cauca. Rebels then continued to throw homemade mortars at the station (At least 8 killed, 20 wounded).[151]
March 11, 2014: Disguised FARC guerrillas opened fire on Colombian military members in the middle of the road in La Montañita (4 killed, 4 wounded).[152]
June 22, 2015: The FARC bombed the Tansandio oil pipeline in Nariño, an attack that contaminated waterways. As a result, 150,000 people lost access to water. 10,000 barrels of oil spilled into the waterways, making the attack the worst environmental disaster in Colombia’s history (0 killed, 0 wounded).[153]
April 11, 2018: Dissidents of the FARC’s Oliver Sinisterra Front in Tumaco announced that they killed three Ecuadorian reporters whom they had kidnapped and held hostage since March 2018 (3 killed, 0 wounded).[154]
The FARC has been on the United States’ annual list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations since October 1997.[155] In April 2015, the listing was re-evaluated, and United States Secretary of State John Kerry successfully pushed to keep the FARC on the FTO list.[156] The FARC is also on the European Union’s list of terrorist organizations.[157] In 2008, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez requested that the FARC be removed from the European list, and it was removed in 2017 after disarming under the 2016 peace accords with the Colombian government.[158]
During the Cold War, Cuba provided resources and training to the FARC on the condition that they maintain positive relations with the local Colombian community. However, its emphasis on community relations deteriorated as its reliance on the drug trade for revenue grew.[161]
In the 1980s and 1990s, the FARC’s popularity peaked and membership grew. The FARC’s increasing wealth attracted impoverished Colombians. As the FARC accumulated wealth, it also grew more violent. This shift prompted a negative reaction from the community. In 1999, 13 million Colombians participated in the “No Más” protests throughout cities in the country, demonstrating the public’s frustration with guerrilla groups.[162]
In a similar protest in February 2008, millions of people in 104 major cities globally and throughout Colombia protested against the FARC. They marched, saying, “No more kidnappings! No more lies! No more deaths! No more FARC!” The march was organized through social media in an event entitled, “A million voices against the FARC,” and displayed dissatisfaction with the FARC on a domestic and international level.[163]
In addition, during his presidency, Álvaro Uribe maintained a strong anti-FARC, anti-guerrilla policy that was well supported by the Colombian public. Furthermore, Uribe’s approval rating in 2008 skyrocketed to around 82% due to his crackdown on FARC activity, reflecting the sentiments of the population.[164] In 2014, the FARC’s approval rating was only 2%.[165]
In 2016, there was a referendum on the October 2016 peace accords between the FARC and the Colombian government. The October peace accords were defeated in the referendum, a result that indicated public disapproval of the FARC.[166] However, President Santos’ government and the FARC renegotiated the agreement. A second referendum was not held, and the peace accord passed through the Congress of Colombia in November 2016.[167]
In the March 2018 election for the Congress of Colombia, the FARC won only 0.5% of the vote.[168] Therefore, it failed to win additional seats apart from the 10 that it was guaranteed as a condition of the 2016 peace agreement.[169] The FARC”s failure to win additional seats is another representation of the public’s disapproval of the organization, despite it having been a political party, not a militant group, since 2017.
As of 2019, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) has tried ex-leaders of the FARC for crimes through a restorative, transitional justice method.[170] These trials are part of the 2016 accord that focused on “victims” of the violence between the FARC and the Colombian government since 1964.[171] The transitional justice method faced resistance from international human rights groups, such as the Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, as well as governmental officials, such as President Duque. These opponents believed that methods of restorative transitional justice were too lenient on human rights offenders and were offering them impunity.[172]
The FARC and the National Liberation Army (ELN), a Marxist-Leninist group founded in 1964, have been both rivals and allies. Members of the ELN joined the FARC and Colombian Communist Party (PCC) in co-founding the Patriotic Union in 1985. Additionally, the FARC and the ELN have exchanged kidnapping victims and shared fighters and equipment.[173] In 2010, they both signed a non-aggression pact. Politically, in May 2015, the ELN reportedly supported the FARC’s decision to suspend their unilateral ceasefire with the Colombian government.[174] Independently, FARC Commander Timochenko supported the ELN’s entry into negotiations with the Colombian government in 2015, which ended without an agreement between the two parties.[175]
The FARC was a member of the Simon Bolivar Guerrilla Coordinating Board (CGSB), an umbrella organization created in 1987 as an ELN initiative following the peace processes. The CGSB included the April 19 Movement (M-19), the FARC, the ELN, and the People’s Liberation Army (EPL). By 1991, the FARC and the ELN were the last remaining members of the CGSB after all other groups demobilized and signed peace agreements with the Colombian government.[176] The CGSB dissolved in 1992 after failed talks between the FARC, the ELN, and the Colombian government.[177]
The FARC’s most forceful opposition has historically been from paramilitaries aligned with the Colombian army. During the 1990s, the United Self-Defense Force of Colombia (AUC), one of the strongest paramilitary groups fighting against leftist guerrillas, targeted FARC members, their supporters, and sympathizers. In the 2000s, both the FARC and the AUC were competing for control over coca plantations and trafficking routes. By the mid-2000s, the relationship between the FARC and the AUC shifted to one of partnership where both benefited from cooperating in the drug trade. The AUC demobilized in 2006. However, since the FARC’s demobilization after the 2016 peace accords, paramilitary members have reportedly killed over 130 ex-FARC members and leaders.[178]
The FARC also cooperated with other militant groups in the trafficking and production of cocaine. Following the AUC’s demobilization in 2006, the FARC started working closely with the Bandas Criminales (BACRIM; in English, “Criminal Bands”). BACRIM was a criminal organization of mid-level, former AUC commanders involved in illegal activities from drug trafficking to gold mining.[179] Some reports suggested that the two were partners in cocaine production.[180] Additionally, reports suggested that the FARC and the Shining Path, one of Peru’s guerrilla groups, were in contact and worked together in the drug trade since 2003 and as recently as May 2015. [181]
Since the 2016 peace accords, the demobilization of the FARC in Colombia has created a power vacuum in the drug trafficking and illegal mining businesses within the regions that the FARC had operated. This led to the replacement of the FARC’s presence with that of FARC dissidents and competing groups, such as BACRIM.[182] BACRIM sought to take over the drug trafficking routes that the FARC used, as well as to control the general traffic of cocaine.[183] In addition to taking over the FARC’s operations, some Colombian militant groups, such as Los Urabeños, have tried to recruit former members of the FARC who refused to disarm and demobilize.[184]
As of July 2019, dissidents of the FARC have formed alliances with groups along the Colombian-Venezuelan border and within Venezuela. The FARC dissidents and the ELN operating along the border allegedly have been coordinating their drug and contraband trafficking operations.[185] Within Venezuela, FARC dissidents have been operating with “colectivos,” or Venezuelan armed groups formed under Chavez to defend the Bolivarian revolution and Chavez’s regime.[186] As of 2019, Maduro called on the colectivos to remain in “active resistance” as a support and security force for his regime.[187] In addition to working alongside the colectivos, some FARC dissidents have chosen to become members of the colectivos along the border.[188]
Until its demobilization, the FARC relied on and faced external influences from other governments and from international organizations. During the 1970s and 1980s, the FARC received funding from Cuba. During the early 2000s, the group received funding, arms, and oil from the Chavez government of Venezuela. Chavez was known for favoring the FARC and reportedly supplied the group with up to $300 million.[189] Additionally, former Cuban President Fidel Castro and former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez were integral in facilitating the peace talks between the Colombian Government and the FARC in 2012.[190] In 2016, former Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos invited the United Nations to monitor the demobilization of the FARC following the 2016 peace accords.[191] The Mission to Colombia was extended until September 25, 2019.[192]
Since the demobilization of the FARC, human rights groups have worried that FARC dissidents and the Venezuelan government have entered into an unofficial alliance, despite Venezuelan officials claiming otherwise.[193] FARC dissidents have found refuge in Venezuela, where they are largely unregulated by the government of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.[194] In fact, some analysts claim that the FARC dissidents have been organizing with “colectivos,” Venezuelan paramilitary groups that Maduro has formally supported and called upon to defend Venezuela’s “Bolivarian revolution.”[195] Additionally, analysts claim that FARC dissidents promoted Maduro during the 2018 Venezuelan election season.[196] These combined military and political activities support the theory that the FARC dissidents and Maduro’s government are unofficially cooperating.
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