Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The New IRA is a republican dissident group that adheres closely to the Irish republicanism associated with the original IRA. The group has three primary goals: (1) to reject and oppose the peace process in Northern Ireland, (2) to fight to end the British Presence in Northern Ireland, and (3) to unite Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland.[87]
The group acknowledges that it does not have the manpower or public support to realistically achieve its goals. Instead, the group seeks to pursue a sporadic, extended campaign. As one group member explained, “To go at it full steam would increase momentum short term, but we believe ultimately would fail within a very short period of time.”[88] As a result, the group’s attacks are often random and spaced far apart from each other. The New IRA believes this type of campaign will ensure that that Northern Ireland never exists in a state of peace.
The New IRA does not engage in domestic or international politics and has never competed in elections. However, the group is closely affiliated with Saoradh, a political republican group in Northern Northern Ireland.
Founded in 2016, Saoradh describes itself as a socialist, republican, anti-imperialist group. It claims on its website that it is dedicated to ending British rule in Ireland.[89] The group is headquartered in Derry, though it maintains a strong presence in Belfast and Dublin.[90] Despite labeling itself as a political group, Saoradh has no elected representative serving in any form of government. Saoradh believes Britain’s occupation of the six counties of Northern Ireland is illegal and rejects the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Saoradh has been highly critical of Sinn Fein, the political party historically associated with the original IRA. Saoradh leaders argue the modern Sinn Fein has become far too moderate, and the group labels its members as “false prophets who have been defeated and consumed by the very system they claim to oppose.”[91] Saoradh believes it has filled Sinn Fein’s original role, serving as the primary left-wing extremist political party in Northern Ireland. While Saoradh has never openly advocated for republican paramilitary groups, its rhetoric often justifies their use of violence. In one rally in 2018, Saoradh leaders claimed that Brexit “will drive home to the Irish people the partition of our country… and as history teaches us it will inevitably stoke the fires of resistance against British rule in Ireland.”[92]
Saoradh strongly denies any association with republican paramilitary groups. However, the PSNI has claimed that Saoradh is the “mouth and hub” of the New IRA and acts as the political voice for the group.[93] There is significant overlap in leadership and membership between Saoradh and the New IRA.[94] The two groups are also committed to identical goals of removing British forces from Northern Ireland. The exact relationship between the two groups is still ambiguous. However, it is likely the two groups cooperate and support one another’s goals. For example, Saoradh heavily campaigns for the release of all republican prisoners from Irish and British prisons.[95]
The level of public support for Saoradh in Northern Ireland is not extensive. Following the shooting of journalist Lyra McKee by a republican dissident, Saoradh faced significant backlash from the Irish community. Saoradh leaders claimed that they were not involved in McKee’s murder, yet many people believe the group endorsed the type of violence that lead to her death.[96] After the attack, protesters defaced Saoradh’s headquarters in Derry with red-painted hand prints.[97] The slogan “Not in Our Name” began to appear around the city as well. Public outrage also pressured Twitter to ban the group’s political account, severely limiting their public outreach abilities.[98] However, some support for Saoradh still exists. The group’s Facebook page has over 6,000 likes and nearly 10,000 followers.[99] The group also has a newly developed youth wing named Eistigi (Irish for “Listen”).[100] Saoradh believes Brexit will help draw new members to both its political and youth wings.
From 2012-2018, the New IRA carried out a total of 40 attacks.[101] As of August 2019, the group has already carried out a half dozen attacks since the start of the year, including the fatal shooting of a protestant journalist. The New IRA uses a variety of methods to conduct attacks, including shootings, rioting, and car bombings. The group recently attempted a major package bomb campaign, in which they mailed explosive devices to five locations around the United Kingdom and Ireland.[102] New IRA militant also have access to mortars, which they have used in attempts to blow up and penetrate police vehicles.[103]
The most common targets of the New IRA are PSNI and British army officers. When the group was founded in 2012, members specifically pledged to pursue a campaign that targeted soldiers and police officers.[104] The New IRA believes that these officers support the illegal occupation of the British state in Northern Ireland and uses this fact to justify its violence. Despite its grandiose promises to wage war against all representatives of the British state, the group has not been particularly deadly. From 2012-2019, the New IRA killed a total of two police officers. The group’s inability to inflict casualties is largely due to the high sophistication of counterterrorism efforts in Northern Ireland. For example, MI5 has over 700 officers stationed in Belfast as part of its counterterrorism campaign.[105] It is likely MI5 and the PSNI have thwarted countless attacks over the past several years.
In addition to members of the British state, the New IRA commonly targets drug dealers and other criminals in their cities. New IRA militants often gain support from local community members by shooting drug dealers, both north and south of the border.[106] While the group claims that its campaign against drugs is apolitical, these targeted attacks allow the group to undermine the PSNI and form close relations with residents living in the areas in which it operates.
Members of the New IRA are acutely aware of the group’s limitations. The militants understand that they will never have the manpower to singlehandedly remove the British presence from Northern Ireland.[107] As a result, they seek to pursue a sporadic, extended campaign. The group’s attacks are often random and spaced far apart from each other. The New IRA believes this type of campaign will ensure that that Northern Ireland never exists in a state of peace.
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
November 1, 2012: New IRA members shot and killed Northern Ireland Police officer David Black on his way to work. The group claimed that the killing was in retaliation for the treatment of republican militants in prison (1 killed, 0 injured).[108]
October 9, 2013: Kevin Kearney, a low-level drug dealer from Belfast, was shot and killed by the New IRA (1 killed, 0 injured).[109]
March 4, 2016: New IRA militants planted a bomb under a police van in Belfast. The bomb exploded, seriously injuring police officer Adam Ismay. Ismay died eleven days later from injuries sustained by the bomb (1 killed, 0 injured).[110]
April 16, 2016: New IRA militants shot Belfast taxi driver Michael McGibbon in both legs. McGibbon died shortly after being taken to the hospital. The New IRA claimed its attack on McGibbon was only meant as a punishment shooting and not a murder. The reason behind the attack is still unclear (1 killed, 0 injured).[111]
January 22, 2017: New IRA militants used an automatic weapon to fire shots at a PSNI member in north Belfast. The officer was hit three times in the arm but survived the murder attempt (0 killed, 1 injured).[112]
January 19, 2019: The New IRA set off a car bomb in front of a courthouse in Derry (0 killed, unknown injured).[113]
March 2019: New IRA militants sent five explosive packages to locations across the United Kingdom and Ireland. The letter bombs were sent to Waterloo Station, the University of Glasgow, locations near Heathrow and London City airports, and a postal office in County Limerick. No casualties resulted from the attack. However, this was the first instance the New IRA used the postal service in an attempt to conduct a mass attack on civilians (0 killed, 0 injured).[114]
April 18, 2019: Lyra McKee, a protestant reporter, was shot while observing a riot in Derry. McKee was standing near a police vehicle when a single dissident republican fired shots in her direction, striking and killing her.[115] She was the first journalist killed in the United Kingdom since 2001. The New IRA claimed responsibility and apologized for the attack. The group lamented that the gunman meant to “engage the enemy” and that New IRA leadership “have instructed [their] volunteers to take the utmost care in future.”[116] Significant public backlash followed the event. Several protesters defaced Saoradh’s headquarters in Derry with red-painted hand prints, and both the British and Irish prime ministers attended McKee’s funeral. [117]As of June 2019, the PSNI and MI5 are conducting investigations and arresting those related to the event (1 killed, 0 injured).
The New IRA’s relationship with the Northern Irish community is complex. Support for dissident groups remains minimal in Northern Ireland, as both Catholics and Protestants prefer to endorse non-violent action.[120] This lack of support is partially due to the improving sectarian relations in Northern Ireland. In a 2018 poll, 81% of Northern Irish respondents reported that they believed relationships between Protestants and Catholics had either improved or not changed in the last five years.[121] In contrast, only 10% of respondents reported that relations had worsened. In the same poll, 50% of respondents reported that they define themselves as neither republican nor unionist.[122] Tensions in the region are quickly diminishing as sectarian labels become less relevant, and the support for paramilitary groups has simultaneously dropped. [123]
The killing of journalist Lyra McKee further worsened public opinion of the New IRA. Both local and international backlash followed the murder. Crowds gathered outside Saoradh’s office – the New IRA’s suspected political wing – in Derry to deface the building with red paint.[124] The New IRA’s killing was also condemned in a rare join statement issued by Northern Ireland’s six main political parties, including Sinn Fein. [125]
Still, the New IRA has successfully inserted itself into several Catholic and nationalist communities in the country. The New IRA has often asserted its dominance in a neighborhood by acting as a quasi-police force. Militants threaten or shoot drug dealers and criminals that are operating in their neighborhoods. In major cities like Belfast and Derry, their presence can be seen everywhere. Placards reading “Salute the men and women of violence” and “PSNI scum watch your back” hang around grocery stores and shopping centers in Derry.[126] Following the killing of journalist Lyra McKee, the republican dissidents painted pro-IRA graffiti around the city, such as “Informants will be shot.” Many people choose not report paramilitary members to the police simple because closeness in proximity. As one analyst described, “In a small community, they are people's neighbors, family members, friends…Many do not agree with their extremist views, but still have to live with them.”[127] According to a 2018 survey, the presence of paramilitary groups in local communities either does not bother or has not affected a majority of the population. 70% of Northern Irish respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed that paramilitary forces create fear and intimidation in their neighborhoods.[128]
The New IRA has more recently started to recruit young men and disaffected youth in the north.[129] Analysts blame deteriorating conditions in Northern Ireland for this upswing in recruitment, as opposed to the impending Brexit. Catholics in Northern Ireland still suffer from low employment and a lack of education, health care, and affordable housing. Catholics on average wait six months longer than their Protestant counterparts on affordable housing lists.[130] The Catholic unemployment rate of 8.8 percent is also higher than the Protestant rate of 5.7 percent.[131] Lack of employment and stable housing – especially among urban youth – provide a steady steam of recruits to paramilitary groups. The recruitment of youth has steadily risen since 2007, when Ireland suffered a hard economic hit from the global financial crisis.[132]
The New IRA is by far the largest and most active republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland. The group probably has more members, resources, and support than all other active republican paramilitary groups combined.[133] Since its foundation in 2012, the New IRA has often engulfed or merged with fellow republican dissident groups. However, the New IRA has never released a public statement endorsing or announcing an affiliation with another armed group.
In 2012, two of the largest republican dissident groups in Northern Ireland – the Real IRA and Republican Action Against Drugs – merged to form the New IRA. Several smaller dissident groups, former Provisional IRA (PIRA) members, and some Dublin criminal elements also merged with the New IRA in 2012.[134] In 2016, another wave of defections from smaller dissident groups bolstered the New IRA’s membership.[135] Two years later, Oglaigh na hEireann (OnH) – a Real IRA republican splinter group – announced its decision to call a ceasefire and suspend military operations. In 2019, the leader of OnH – Seamus McGrane – died suddenly of a heart attack. The two events caused massive defections from OnH.[136] By June 2019, it was reported that the vast majority of former OnH members had joined the New IRA.
The New IRA believe that the PIRA and Sinn Fein are traitors who have betrayed the original cause of Irish republicans. These two groups agreed to a partitionist government in Northern Ireland, and the New IRA no longer believes that they adequately represent nationalists in the region. The New IRA has consistently threatened Sinn Fein members and former members of the PIRA. For example, the group bombed the house of the former head of Sinn Fein in 2018.[137]
The IRA has historically held relationships with other paramilitary groups abroad. For example, the IRA was known to be closely affiliated with Palestinian resistant groups during The Troubles. There is evidence that New IRA members have attended courses in several Slavic countries to acquire counter-surveillance skills.[138] In addition, the New IRA may import weapons from countries in Eastern Europe. However, the New IRA is not closely aligned with prominent groups abroad. Any relationship the New IRA holds with foreign groups appears to be purely transactional.
The New IRA is not supported or funded by any foreign government. Garda (the police service of the Republic of Ireland), the Northern Irish Police Service, and MI5 have all engaged in efforts to infiltrate the New IRA and arrest its members.
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[3] The town of Derry, situated on the border of Ireland and Northern Ireland, is often referred to as ‘Derry’ by Irish nationalists and ‘Londonderry’ by unionists. The decision to refer to this city as Derry does not reflect any partisan opinions of the MMP team, but instead will be used for consistency.
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