Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
Al Shabaab’s primary goal is to topple the Somali government and establish an Islamic state within Somalia guided by a strict reading of Shariah law.[119] The group’s first leader, Aden Hashi Ayro, received training in Afghanistan, and he modeled Al Shabaab’s principles after those of the Taliban.[120] Like the Taliban and Al Qaeda, Al Shabaab promotes a jihadist Salafi religious ideology. In the territories under its control, Al Shabaab has carried out punishments in line with Sharia law, such as amputating the hands of thieves and stoning women accused of adultery. The group has also banned items and activities such as music, videos, shaving, and bras.[121] In an effort to rid the country of foreign influences, Al Shabaab shut down the British Broadcasting Corporation’s (BBC) transmissions in Somalia and banned its broadcasting in 2010, accusing the station of promoting an anti-Muslim colonialist agenda.[122]
Al Shabaab opposes the presence of foreign troops in Somalia, chiefly the African Union’s peacekeeping mission, known as AMISOM, which is supported by the United Nations and European Union.[123] As part of its quest to establish a Somali state based on Islamist principles, Al Shabaab seeks to dislodge AMISOM and other foreign military troops from the country.
In addition to its domestic goals, Al Shabaab has increasingly framed the Somali civil war as part of the global jihadi movement. Al Shabaab has launched international attacks, including in Kenya and Uganda, and it has issued threats against other countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada.[124] The group’s close relationship with Al Qaeda, especially beginning in 2008, significantly influenced the broadening of Al Shabaab’s objectives.[125]
Analysts have remarked on Al Shabaab’s apparent commitment to environmental protection, including a ban on single-use plastic bags and cutting down trees in territory under its control, public condemnation of Somalia’s logging industry, and criticism of U.S. President Barack Obama’s record on climate change.[126]
While some members of Al Shabaab have reportedly been open to negotiations with the government, the group has never engaged in peaceful political activity.[127] Further, Al Shabaab has assassinated peace activists who sought to encourage negotiations and reconciliation.[128]
Part of Al Shabaab’s political strategy comes from its outreach to the local communities from which it operates. By providing social services and protection to local constituencies the rebel group has managed to achieve much greater integration and cooperation, both in terms of intelligence sharing and material support. For instance, Al Shabaab has supported the communities it operates within by organizing greater sanitation and healthcare services than otherwise available. The provision of healthcare and other public goods has taken on even greater political significance during the 2020 global pandemic. In response to the pandemic, Al Shabaab opened a COVID-19 treatment center in Jilib where there were no government-sponsored healthcare services.[129] Public-facing actions like these have helped Al-Shabaab accumulate increasing political capital with local constituents as the central government struggles to provide services.
Beyond health care, the efficiency and effectiveness of Al Shabaab’s Islamic courts are often favored by citizens, particularly in under governed areas of Northern Somalia.[130] Al Shabaab’s permanent and mobile courts rule on matters ranging from civil to criminal, leading some Somalis to travel to regions held by the group for the sole purpose of petitioning its courts.[131]
As Al Shabaab’s political and legal influence has grown, some Somali politicians have called for allowing the group to run candidates in Somalian elections given their size and support.[132] In previous years, former Al Shabaab militants defected from the group and expressed desire to run for political office.[133] Most notably, founding Al Shabaab member Mukhtar Robow ran for the presidency of Somalia’s South West State in 2018. Although he was detained by the Somali government during his campaign, Robow’s actions set off international debates about the implications of an ex-jihadist gaining power through democratic elections.[134] While Al Shabaab has been prevented from taking part in Somali government until now, it is possible it will seek a hybrid political-military role as pursued by other armed groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon.
To further its goals of toppling the Somali government and expelling foreign troops, Al Shabaab has targeted government officials and AMISOM forces. Al Shabaab also works to destabilize the Somali government by disrupting democratic elections and eroding public support for international peacekeeping missions.[135] The group has targeted police, journalists, peace activists, international aid workers, businesses, diplomats, and other civilians. Driven by Salafi ideology, militants have directed violence towards so-called “enemies of Islam” including Somalia’s Christians and Sufi Muslims.[136]
Al Shabaab has engaged in kidnappings and vandalism, and it has used bombings, shootings, and suicide attacks to inflict violence on civilians and soldiers alike. Al Shabaab’s use of suicide attacks, namely with vehicle-born improvised explosive devices (VBIEDs), has risen since 2008.[137] Analysts attribute the increased use of this tactic to the group’s close relationship with Al Qaeda.[138] Al Shabaab has especially made use VBIEDs to maximize civilian casualties in its attacks in major cities, such as Mogadishu. (For more information on the group’s attacks, see the “Major Attacks” section in this profile.)
Additionally, Al Shabaab has allegedly committed rape and extensive acts of violence against women. The group has also engaged in the forced recruitment of fighters, including children.[139] In territories under its control, Al Shabaab is known to enforce a strict code of behavior for women; those who breach its provisions are often stoned to death.[140]
Al Shabaab has repeatedly targeted Kenyan citizens in high-profile attacks in visible locations, such as the Westgate Mall in 2013 and the DusitD2 hotel in 2019. Analysts believe that the group hopes to erode support for the Kenyan government’s military intervention in Somalia.[141] Some analysts have also proposed that Al Shabaab’s increased attacks in Kenya are aimed at provoking a crackdown on Somalis living in Kenya, which the group hopes will facilitate militant recruitment.[142] Researchers have noted that Al Shabaab targets Kenya much more frequently than other East African countries participating in AMISOM. This may be due to Kenya’s strong tourism industry and independent media, which provide soft targets and international publicity, respectively.[143]
In addition to acts of physical violence, Al Shabaab also seeks to control the information environment in Somalia. In an effort to rid the country of foreign influences, Al Shabaab shut down the transmissions of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and banned its broadcasting in 2010, accusing the station of promoting an anti-Muslim colonialist agenda.[144] In the same year, Al Shabaab set up the Al Kataib News Channel – in Arabic and English rather than in the Somali language – through which the group has attempted to recruit foreign fighters, threaten nearby countries, and discourage support for AMISOM.[145] Al Shabaab also makes use of Internet outlets to share graphic videos and propaganda promoting the group’s strength, especially to counter claims that the group may be losing ground in its war against AMISOM and the Somali national government.[146] Al Shabaab attracts recruits through the release of videos on social media. Notably, in 2016, the group utilized footage of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump calling for a ban on Muslims entering the U.S. in a nearly hour-long film critiquing the West.[147]
While Al Shabaab’s use of terrorism has received the most attention, some scholars and analysts have identified the group’s extensive intelligence gathering networks – often led by women – as being equally, if not more, important.[148] In many regions, women and girls affiliated with the group are able to cross checkpoints, gather intelligence, and ferry explosives without inspection or scrutiny.[149] Security forces tend to pay more attention to men than women, allowing women to gather critical information and transport weapons that have been instrumental in major attacks.[150] Although women’s cooperation with Al Shabaab is often the result of coercion, women continue to play a crucial role in the group’s resilience.
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
March 26, 2007: A man named Adam Salam Adam used a car bomb to conduct a suicide attack against Ethiopian soldiers in Mogadishu. Al Shabaab claimed responsibility for the bombing, which allegedly was the city’s first suicide attack (~73 killed, unknown wounded).[151]
October 29, 2008: Al Shabaab conducted five simultaneous suicide car bombings in the cities of Hargeisa and Bosasso, targeting U.N. and government buildings (29+ killed, 36+ wounded).[152]
July 11, 2010: Al Shabaab conducted two simultaneous suicide bombings in Kampala, Uganda. One took place at an Ethiopian restaurant, while the other occurred at a rugby club during the FIFA World Cup final. A group spokesman warned that any country sending its armed forces to Somalia would face similar attacks (74+ killed, 85+ wounded).[153]
April 14, 2013: Al Shabaab bombed court buildings in Mogadishu and then conducted an armed assault inside the buildings. On the same day, Al Shabaab bombed a convoy of Turkish aid workers (30+ killed, unknown wounded).[154]
September 21, 2013: Al Shabaab gunmen attacked the Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya, triggering a four-day siege by government forces (~68 killed, 175 wounded).[155]
February 21, 2014: Al Shabaab attacked Villa Somalia, the presidential palace compound, with a car bomb before entering the compound to engage in a gunfight with guards (14+ killed, unknown wounded).[156]
June 16, 2014: Al Shabaab gunmen attacked several targets in the Kenyan town of Mpeketoni, including a police station, a bank, several hotels, and a hall in which people were viewing the World Cup. The next day, gunmen also conducted an attack on the nearby village of Poromoko (49+ killed, unknown wounded).[157]
November 22, 2014: Al Shabaab militants attacked a bus with sixty passengers traveling from Mandera, Kenya to Nairobi. The militants executed passengers who could not recite Quran verses as well as those who resisted the attack (28 killed, unknown wounded).[158]
April 2, 2015: Al Shabaab gunmen attacked Garissa University College in Kenya, targeting non-Muslim students (~151 killed, unknown wounded).[159]
October 7, 2015: Al Shabaab militants ambushed a car carrying two passengers, killing both. The victims included the nephew of Somali president Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (2 killed, unknown wounded)[160]
January 15, 2016: Roughly 200 Al Shabaab militants attacked an AMISOM base in el-Ade, Somalia, beginning with a suicide bomb attack and continuing with an assault by gunmen. The Kenyan military has resisted releasing information on the extent of the attack, one of the country’s greatest military defeats since its independence in 1963. Al Shabaab quickly released propaganda materials to trumpet the alleged success of its offensive, which observers have deemed a “massacre” (141 killed, unknown wounded).[161]
October 14, 2017: Al Shabaab militants detonated two truck bombs in busy districts of Mogadishu, severely damaging entire buildings and streets. One of the bombs is believed to have been destined for Mogadishu’s airport but was detonated early by gunfire. This incident is considered to be the deadliest attack since the inception of Al Shabaab’s insurgency in 2006. (512 killed, 312 wounded, 62 missing).[162]
April 1, 2018: Using two suicide car bombs, Al Shabaab militants attacked an African Union peacekeeper base, killing over forty Ugandan troops in the town of Bulamarer (46 killed, unknown wounded).[163]
November 9, 2018: Al Shabaab claimed responsibility for an attack with coordinated car bombs on the headquarters of Somalia’s Criminal Investigations Department and the Sahafi Hotel, a locale frequented by government officials. The bombs were timed to go off around 4pm when pedestrians and traffic flooded the streets (53 killed, hundreds wounded).[164]
January 15, 2019: Exactly three years after Al Shabaab’s devastating attack on an AMISOM base in Kenya, militants besieged the five-star DusitD2 hotel in Nairobi, Kenya for 19 hours. The group claimed that the attack was retaliation for U.S. President Donald Trump’s increased airstrikes in Somalia and move of the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem (21 killed, unknown wounded).[165]
February 28, 2019: After detonating a car bomb outside, Al Shabaab militants stormed the Maka Al-Mukarama hotel, killing 29. This hotel in central Mogadishu is frequented by Somali government officials (29 killed, 80+ wounded).[166]
March 24, 2019: Al Shabaab militants stormed a government building in Mogadishu after detonating a car bomb. The attack resulted in an hours-long standoff and the deaths of at least 15, including the Somalian deputy labor minister (15+ killed, unknown wounded).[167]
July 24, 2019: Only hours after a visit by the U.N. envoy to Somalia, a female Al Shabaab suicide bomber detonated inside of the Mogadishu mayor’s office. The mayor, Abdirahman Omar Osman, and 5 other city officials were killed (6 killed, 6 wounded).[168]
December 29, 2019: An Al Shabaab truck bomb detonated at a busy security checkpoint in Mogadishu, killing 78 and injuring over a hundred people. The attack, which killed many university students, was described as the worst Al Shabaab attack since the October 2017 bombing that killed over five hundred (78 killed, 100+ wounded).[169]
February 2, 2020: Al Shabaab killed 8 Somali soldiers and wounded 13 others when the group attacked a Somali National Army and African Union peacekeeping base in the Shabelle region. Al Shabaab reportedly lost 10 fighters in the attack (8 killed, 13 wounded).[170]
October 15, 2020: Al Shabaab militants attacked a Somali military operation and injured dozens more near the town of Afgoye, just northwest of Mogadishu. Al Shabaab claimed that they killed 24 troops, while the Somali military says 13 of its own were killed (~18 killed, dozens wounded).[171]
December 11, 2020: An Al Shabaab militant killed 14 in a suicide bombing at the entrance to a stadium in the city of Galkayo. Somali Prime Minister Mohamed Roble was scheduled to speak there about the upcoming presidential election (14 killed, unknown wounded).[172]
May 10, 2021: An Al Shabaab suicide bomber killed 6 police officers, including the commander of the Waberi police station, in an attack in Mogadishu (6 killed, unknown wounded).[173]
June 15, 2021: Al Shabaab militants killed over 15 Somalian army recruits in a suicide bombing outside of the General Degaban military camp in Mogadishu (15+ killed, 20+ wounded).[174]
Since the early 1990s, Somalia has been engulfed in civil war.[180] The deteriorating economic and political conductions allowed Al Shabaab to originally win support from the public by promising to bring stability to a country in turmoil.[181] Al Shabaab has established its own governing structures in the territories under its control, providing social services and collecting taxes. The group established a court system, and the efficiency and effectiveness of Al Shabaab’s Islamic courts are often favored by citizens, particularly in under governed areas of Northern Somalia.[182] Al Shabaab’s permanent and mobile courts rule on matters ranging from civil to criminal, leading some Somalis to travel to regions held by the group for the sole purpose of petitioning its courts.[183] Additionally, Al Shabaab has tried to cultivate support through the construction and maintenance of infrastructure, as well as the collection of money for distribution to the poor.[184] In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Al Shabaab provided treatment to Somalis and opened a COVID-19 treatment center in Jilib where there were no government-sponsored healthcare services.[185] Additionally, members of Al Shabaab’s leadership prioritize the building of relationships with clan elders – the backbone of Somali society – to strengthen recruitment and gain access to territory.[186]
Al Shabaab interacts both with domestic and transnational militant groups. In Somalia, Al Shabaab’s relationship with the short-lived Hizbul Islam alternated between alliance and rivalry, although it tended toward the latter. Between May and July 2009, Al Shabaab and Hizbul Islam cooperated to target TFG forces and secure control of large swaths of southern and central Somalia and most of Mogadishu. Two groups had a shared interest in combatting the TFG, but their cooperation stopped there. Hizbul Islam and Al Shabaab competed for influence over the Somali insurgency and for control of territory. These tensions led to armed clashes between the two groups in late 2009.[187] Hizbul Islam slowly lost ground to Al Shabaab and ultimately chose to merge with Al Shabaab in late 2010 after a series of internal defections.[188] The merger was seen by some observers as a takeover of Hizbul Islam by Al Shabaab.[189] In 2012, disagreements between Al Shabaab militants and its Hizbul Islam members led Hizbul Islam to split from the group.[190] The two factions disagreed about the nature and extent of the organization’s goals. Al Shabaab militants fought to internationalize the Somali conflict in the name of global jihad, while Hizbul Islam militants had more nationalist objectives and wanted to focus strictly on Somalia.[191] After the split, Hizbul Islam became inactive and renounced violence.[192]
Al Shabaab has also interacted with other domestic groups. Ahlu Sunna Wal Jamaa – a Somali militant organization that was established to protect the country’s traditional form of Sufism – began to fight Al Shabaab in 2008 after the group started destroying Sufi sacred sites.[193] A third Somali militant group, the Ras Kamboni Movement, was allied with Al Shabaab in the late 2000s. Divisions within Ras Kamboni led one faction to officially merge with Al Shabaab in 2010, while the remainder of Ras Kamboni allied with the Kenyan government to fight Al Shabaab.[194]
Al Shabaab also holds ties to militant groups abroad. Since its early years, Al Shabaab has built connections with Al Qaeda and has shared its long-term interest of establishing one Islamic caliphate to unite all Muslims. Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda leaders have trained and fought together.[195] The Al Shabaab-Al Qaeda relationship was strengthened after Ahmed Abdi Godane became Al Shabaab’s top leader in 2008. As leader, Godane published a statement that praised Al Qaeda and emphasized the struggle in Somalia as part of a global jihad, a shift from Al Shabaab’s previous rhetoric. Al Shabaab also aligned itself more closely with Al Qaeda in ideology and tactics. It began to target civilians through suicide attacks much more frequently, and the organization’s leadership grew to include many Al Qaeda members. Al Shabaab leveraged its relationship with Al Qaeda to attract foreign fighters and monetary donations from Al Qaeda’s supporters.[196] In 2009, Al Shabaab officially pledged allegiance to Al Qaeda, though this was not officially acknowledged by Al Qaeda until 2012.[197] While both Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda maintain some operational links, the groups operate largely independent from each other.
In 2015, the Islamic State (IS) released a video encouraging Al Shabaab, as East Africa’s most prominent jihadi group, to pledge allegiance to IS. Al Shabaab’s leadership rejected the offer and reaffirmed its affiliation with AQ, a decision that provoked a schism among its membership and created a rivalry between AQ and IS sympathizers in Somalia.[198] Despite this refusal to pledge allegiance to IS, Al Shabaab is frequently misidentified as an IS affiliate since it shares a similar though not identical flag. Militants supportive of IS splintered from Al Shabaab and founded a new group allied with IS, Jahba East Africa (also known as the East African Front), in early 2016. This group actively recruits from the ranks of Al Shabaab.[199] Al Shabaab and Jahba East Africa are thought to compete for supporters and territory in Somalia.[200]
In 2016, Somali government officials claimed that Al Shabaab was backing Boko Haram, a Salafi militant group based in Nigeria. Its support for Boko Haram has included training in suicide attack methods, the use of weaponry, and other tactics and capabilities. Both Al Shabaab and Boko Haram share a similar goal: the imposition of strict Shariah law in Somalia and Nigeria, respectively.[201] Al Shabaab is also believed to coordinate in a similar fashion with Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which operates primarily in Algeria.[202] In addition to these collaborations, various affiliate groups have sworn allegiance to Al Shabaab, including the Kenyan militant organization Al Hijra (also called the Muslim Youth Center).[203]
An Islamist militant group operating in Mozambique since late 2017, founded under the name Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (“Followers of the Prophet”) is often called “Al Shabaab” by locals, but no link to the Somali Al Shabaab of that name is known.[204]
Al Shabaab has allegedly received support from several African and Middle Eastern countries, most notably Eritrea. The U.S. and Somali governments have accused Eritrea of supporting Al Shabaab through weapons and funding, although Eritrea has denied these allegations.[205] While the Eritrean government does not share Al Shabaab’s ideology, it is believed to have supported the militant organization to counter Ethiopian influence in Somalia.[206] In 2017, the U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea concluded that there was insufficient evidence to prove a link between Eritrea and Al Shabaab.[207]
Since at least 2018, several Gulf states have increased their provision of training and weapons to various armed factions operating in Somalia, including Al Shabaab. As part of a growing rivalry, both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have sought to use armed groups like Al Shabaab to pressure each other into abandoning or scaling back commercial contracts in the region.[208] In 2019, the Qatari Ambassador to Somalia allegedly claimed that the 2019 Al Shabaab bombing of the Bosaso port in Somalia was expected to push the UAE into abandoning a lucrative shipping contract that the Qatari government hoped to acquire.[209]
The U.N. has also claimed that Djibouti, Iran, Syria, Libya, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia have provided Al Shabaab with machine guns, missiles, and training. Hezbollah, an armed group operating in Lebanon, is also believed to have given aid to Al Shabaab. This support from these state and non-state actors violates the 1992 arms embargo imposed on Somalia.[210]
[1] Chris Harnisch, “The Terror Threat from Somalia: The Internationalization of Al Shabaab,” Critical Threats Project (American Enterprise Institute, February 12, 2010), https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/the-terror-threat-from-somalia-....
[2] Maggie Fick, “At Least 15 Killed in Somalia Suicide Bombing Claimed by Militants,” ed. Catherine Evans, Reuters, June 15, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/least-10-people-killed-suicide-bombing-army-camp-somalia-state-media-2021-06-15/.
[3] Felter, Claire, Jonathan Masters, and Mohammed Aly Sergie. “Al-Shabab.” CFR Backgrounder. Council on Foreign Relations, May 19, 2021. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/al-shabab.; Pate, Amy, and Michael Jensen and Erin Miller. “Al-Shabaab Attack on Garissa University in Kenya.” Background Report, National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, April 2015. https://www.start.umd.edu/pubs/STARTBackgroundReport_alShabaabGarissaU_April2015.pdf.; Curran, Cody. “Global Ambitions: An Analysis of al Shabaab’s Evolving Rhetoric.” Critical Threats Project, American Enterprise Institute, February 17, 2011. https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/global-ambitions-an-analysis-of....
[4] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia - Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20...
[5] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia - Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20...
[6] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia - Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20...
[7] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia – Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20%20Development%20of%20Radical%20Islamism%20and%20Current%20Implications#gsc.tab=0.
[8] Christopher Anzalone, “The Life and Death of Al-Shabab Leader Ahmed Godane,” CTC Sentinel 7, no. 9 (September 2014), https://ctc.usma.edu/the-life-and-death-of-al-shabab-leader-ahmed-godane/.
[9] Wise, Rob. “Al Shabaab.” AQAM Futures Project Case Study Series, Center for Strategic & International Studies/Homeland Security & Counterterrorism Program Transnational Threats Project. July 2011. pg. 5. https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/legacy_files/files/publication/110715_Wise_AlShabaab_AQAM%20Futures%20Case%20Study_WEB.pdf
[10] Harnisch, Chris. “The Terror Threat from Somalia: The Internationalization of Al Shabaab.” Critical Threats Project. American Enterprise Institute, February 12, 2010. https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/the-terror-threat-from-somalia-the-internationalization-of-al-shabaab.; Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia - Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20....
[11] Felter, Claire, Jonathan Masters, and Mohammed Aly Sergie. “Al-Shabab.” CFR Backgrounder. Council on Foreign Relations, May 19, 2021. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/al-shabab.; Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia – Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20-%20Development%20of%20Radical%20Islamism%20and%20Current%20Implications#gsc.tab=0.
[12] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia - Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20...
[13] Gartenstein-Ross, Daveed. “The Strategic Challenge of Somalia’s Al-Shabaab: Dimensions of Jihad.” Middle East Quarterly 16.4 (Fall 2009): 25-36. https://www.meforum.org/2486/somalia-al-shabaab-strategic-challenge.
[14] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia – Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20%20Development%20of%20Radical%20Islamism%20and%20Current%20Implications#gsc.tab=0.
[15] Wise, Rob. “Al Shabaab.” AQAM Futures Project Case Study Series, Center for Strategic & International Studies/Homeland Security & Counterterrorism Program Transnational Threats Project. July 2011. pg. 7. https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/legacy_files/files/publication/110715_Wise_AlShabaab_AQAM%20Futures%20Case%20Study_WEB.pdf
[16] Wise, Rob. “Al Shabaab.” AQAM Futures Project Case Study Series, Center for Strategic & International Studies/Homeland Security & Counterterrorism Program Transnational Threats Project. July 2011. pg. 6-8. https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/legacy_files/files/publication/110715_Wise_AlShabaab_AQAM%20Futures%20Case%20Study_WEB.pdf.; Harnisch, Chris. “The Terror Threat from Somalia: The Internationalization of Al Shabaab.” Critical Threats Project. American Enterprise Institute, February 12, 2010. https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/the-terror-threat-from-somalia-....
[17] Ibrahim, Mohammed, and Jeffrey Gettleman. “5 Suicide Bomb Attacks Hit Somalia.” The New York Times, October 29, 2008. https://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/30/world/africa/30somalia.html.; “Deadly car bombs hit Somaliland.” BBC News, October 29, 2008. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7696986.stm.
[18] Wise, Rob. “Al Shabaab.” AQAM Futures Project Case Study Series, Center for Strategic & International Studies/Homeland Security & Counterterrorism Program Transnational Threats Project. July 2011. https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/legacy_files/files/publication/110715_Wise_AlShabaab_AQAM%20Futures%20Case%20Study_WEB.pdf
[19] Somalia Business Law Handbook, Volume 1: Strategic Information and Laws (Washington, D.C.: International Business Publications, 2012)
[20] “Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War.” International Crisis Group, June 26, 2014. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/somalia-al-shabaa....
[21] Harnisch, Chris. “The Terror Threat from Somalia: The Internationalization of Al Shabaab.” Critical Threats Project. American Enterprise Institute, February 12, 2010. https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/the-terror-threat-from-somalia-....
[22] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia – Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20%20Development%20of%20Radical%20Islamism%20and%20Current%20Implications#gsc.tab=0.
[23] Roggio, Bill. “Hizbul Islam joins Shabaab in Somalia.” The Long War Journal, December 19, 2010. https://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2010/12/hizbul_islam_joins_s.php.
[24] “Somali Islamists al-Shabab and Hizbul Islam ‘to merge,’” BBC News, December 20, 2010. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-12038556
[25] “Kenyan Amisom soldier kills six Somali civilians.” BBC News, September 24, 2012. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-19698348
[26] Page, Jacqueline. “Jihadi Arena Report: Somalia – Development of Radical Islamism and Current Implications.” International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, March 22, 2010. https://www.ict.org.il/Article/1071/Jihadi%20Arena%20Report%20Somalia%20%20Development%20of%20Radical%20Islamism%20and%20Current%20Implications#gsc.tab=0.
[27] “Hizbul Islam splinter group forms new political party.” Sabahi, June 24, 2014. https://web.archive.org/web/20140925202233/http://sabahionline.com/en_GB/articles/hoa/articles/newsbriefs/2014/06/25/newsbrief-04?change_locale=true ; “Hizbul Islam renounces violence.” Sabahi, September 17, 2013. https://web.archive.org/web/20150118173520/http://sabahionline.com/en_GB/articles/hoa/articles/newsbriefs/2013/09/17/newsbrief-01
[28] Christopher Anzalone, “The Life and Death of Al-Shabab Leader Ahmed Godane,” CTC Sentinel 7, no. 9 (September 2014), https://ctc.usma.edu/the-life-and-death-of-al-shabab-leader-ahmed-godane/.
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