Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
Some analysts describe JI’s ideology as a combination of Darul Islam and Saudi Wahhabism.[94] JI’s “de facto” manifesto, the “General Guide for the Struggle of Al-Jama’ah Al‑Islamiyah” (known by its Indonesian acronym PUPJI), outlines the group’s primary objective, which includes the overthrow of the Indonesian government and the eventual creation of a pan-Islamic state in Southeast Asia spanning across Indonesia, Malaysia, southern Thailand, Singapore, Brunei, and the southern Philippines. According to PUPJI, such an outcome is to be achieved by first cultivating a core group of leaders (Qiy’adah Rosyidah), who possess “true” faith, knowledge and leadership skills, and then building a solid base of followers (Qoi’dah Sholabah), who are obedient and dedicated to the group. The final stage of JI’s evolution includes the group’s transformation into a “‘secure’ base” from which the group could embark on a campaign of armed struggle, or jihad. While PUPJI does emphasize the importance of education and religious outreach, it considers engagement in violence as essential to realizing the group’s overarching objectives.[95]
While JI has historically stayed out of the political realm, a report released in 2017 by the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) asserts that Para Wijayanto, JI’s emir from 2007 until his arrest in 2019, encouraged the group’s involvement in politics. Notably, under Wijayanto’s leadership, JI members participated in mass demonstrations against then-Jakarta Governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama for making remarks about the Quran that hardline Muslims considered blasphemous. The IPAC report also noted that the younger generation of JI has expressed greater interest in political influence and political infiltration.[96]
In the late 1990s and early 2000s, most of JI’s operations targeted Christians. The group carried out attacks on churches and priests in response to massacres of Muslims by Christians, particularly in West Java, Sumatra, and Lombok.[97] In 2002, JI leader Ba’asyir publicly announced the organizational shift toward attacking Western interests. Common targets included diplomatic facilities and tourist destinations, such as hotels. The group primarily used bombs in attacks.[98]
In the early to mid 2000s, facing increased security efforts by the Indonesian government, JI began to shift toward using nonviolent tactics, including preaching and religious outreach, in its efforts to create an Islamic caliphate in Southeast Asia. While the future operational trajectory of JI remains uncertain, terrorism and security experts note that JI’s shift away from violence does not necessarily indicate that the group intends to follow a nonviolent path. Rather, it may be that JI has made the strategic decision to focus on the jihadist concept of i’dad, which emphasizes “rebuilding in times of weakness in order to prepare for future Islamist assaults.”[99]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization’s history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
Although factions within JI were responsible for some attacks without operational support from the group’s official leadership, attacks are generally attributed to the group as a whole.
December 24, 2000: JI targeted several Christian churches across Indonesia, attacking them with a series of bombings on Christmas Eve (14 killed, 12 wounded).[100]
October 12, 2002: JI planned and executed bombings at a nightclub in Bali, killing 202. Many of the victims were foreign tourists, including 88 Australians (202 killed, unknown wounded).[101]
March 4, 2003: Authorities suspected JI’s involvement in bombings near a ferry terminal in the southern Philippines where government forces were fighting Muslim separatist rebels (16 killed, unknown wounded).[102]
August 5, 2003: JI was responsible for bombing the JW Marriot hotel in Jakarta (12 killed, 150 wounded).[103]
September 9, 2004: JI reportedly set off a bomb near the Australian embassy in Jakarta (10 killed, 100 wounded).[104]
October 2, 2005: JI was believed to be responsible for bombings in Jimbaran Bay and Kuta, tourist destinations in Bali, Indonesia (26 killed, 102 wounded).[105]
October 29, 2005: Three Christian schoolgirls were beheaded, and another was seriously injured by JI militants in the town of Poso on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi (3 killed, 1 wounded).[106]
October 5, 2007: Two bombs exploded in the street in the Philippines city of Kidapawan City (2 killed, 36 wounded).[107]
July 17, 2009: The JW Marriot and the Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta’s business district were bombed by militants who were allegedly part of Noordin Top’s JI cell, also known as Al Qaeda in the Malay Archipelago. It was the second time that this particular Marriot hotel had been targeted by JI (9 killed, 50 wounded).[108]
The Indonesian public initially was largely unenthusiastic about opposing JI and other Islamist terrorism groups, in part because many Indonesians doubted the group’s existence in its early years.[123] After continued attacks – in particular the Bali Bombings in 2002 – public disapproval of terrorism perpetrated by Islamist militants increased in Indonesia. This culminated in the 2004 election of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the Indonesian presidency, a general famous for his opposition to terrorism.[124]
JI has links to Al Qaeda (AQ), although reports vary on how strong these ties remain. Some analysts go so far as to say that JI was essentially an AQ branch in Southeast Asia.[125] Others claim the goals of the two organizations do not align, as JI focuses on establishing a regional caliphate while AQ ultimately aspires to have global influence.[126] AQ reportedly provided training, resources, and advising to JI leaders from its creation, beginning in the late 1980s.[127] Some members of JI received training in AQ affiliated camps in Afghanistan during the mid-1990s.[128] Multiple individuals from JI have either worked for or maintained close ties with both JI and AQ. For example, senior JI leader Hambali was reportedly AQ’s director of operations in East Asia.[129] Hambali had close ties to core AQ operatives and is believed to have been instrumental in coordinating the relationship between AQ and JI. Analysts also agree that AQ has influenced JI ideologically and encouraged JI members to carry out mass-casualty attacks on Western targets, like the 2002 Bali bombing.[130] According to terrorism analyst Sidney Jones, the years 1997–2002 “were the period of maximum communication and cooperation between JI and al-Qaeda.” Since then, it appears that AQ’s influence on the group has declined.[131] Importantly, however, as pointed out by international security analyst Dr. Peter Chalk, JI’s current leadership still contains members who were present when JI first established relations with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. According to Chalk, “[t]he continued relevance of these ranking members in JI’s spine arguably signifies that the movement’s relationship with al-Qaeda is not only still very much alive but that those ties may well be on a far higher plane than previously assumed.”[132]
In 2008, JI founder and spiritual leader Ba’aysir founded a new splinter group, Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), after clashing with other JI leaders over the group’s strategy.[133] Despite disagreements at the leadership level, JAT has allegedly drawn a number of members from JI.[134] In 2014, the group suffered a split after Ba’asyir publicly pledged an oath of allegiance to IS’s leader, Abu Bakar al-Baghdadi. His decision was allegedly denounced by more than half of JAT’s members, including top officials and Ba’asyir’s sons, who subsequently left JAT to form a new rival organization called Jamaah Ansharusy Syariah (JAS), led by Mochammad Achwan.[135]
JI has ties to other Islamist groups operating in Indonesia and broader Southeast Asia, especially those sharing origins in Darul Islam. These groups include Jamaah Anshurat Tauhid, Front Pembela Islam, Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia, KOMPAK, Lashkar Jundullah and Majelis Dakwah Umat Indonesia.[136] Its 1990s training camps in Mindanao helped establish a relationship with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, and the groups have reportedly maintained good relations.[137] JI also reportedly has some ties to the Abu Sayyaf Group in the Philippines.[138] Although JI’s co-founder and former leader Ba’aysir allegedly announced support for the Islamic State (IS) in 2014, JI appears to have taken an anti-IS stance.[139] For example, Abu Tholut (also known as Imron), a former senior member of JI who was sentenced to eight years in prison in 2011 for involvement in terrorism, has openly denounced IS, calling it a “misguided organization” that has “lied to their people” and “spilt the blood of the innocent.”[140] Expert Bilveer Singh claims that most JI members “believe that ISIS is a proxy of the West and has to be countered as it has brought disrepute to jihad and the struggle of Muslims worldwide.”[141]
As of June 2021, JI does not appear to have a state sponsor.
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[5] Singh, Bilveer. The Talibanization of Southeast Asia: Losing the War on Terror in Islamist Extremists (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2007), 51–53; Gordon, David, and Samuel Lindo. “Jemaah Islamiyah.” AQAM Futures Project, Case Study Series, Case Study no. 6, November 2011, pg. 3. https://www.csis.org/analysis/jemaah-islamiyah; Pavlova, Elena. “From a Counter-Society to a Counter-State Movement: Jemaah Islamiyah According to PUPJI.” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, no. 30, vol. 9 (2007): 777-800.
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