Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The TTP is Deobandi-Wahabi in its sectarian orientation.[92] The founding goals of the TTP are threefold. First, the TTP seeks to implement and enforce a strict interpretation of Shariah law throughout Pakistan.[93] In accordance with this belief, the TTP is strictly opposed to female education, as was evidenced by the 2012 assassination attempt on girls’ rights activist Malala Yousafzai.[94] The TTP believes the existing Pakistani constitution should be replaced with Shariah law, in order to realize Pakistan’s true identity as an Islamic state.[95]Previously, one of the TTP’s goals was to combat and expel U.S.-led coalition forces from Afghanistan. After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, the TTP now focuses on supporting the Afghan Taliban’s control in Kabul.[96] Finally, the TTP is committed to expelling Pakistani security forces from the FATA, and conducting defensive jihad against the Pakistani government.[97] The TTP claims that its jihad against the Pakistani government is an act of self-defense against an apostate and puppet regime of the United States.[98] Ultimately, the group intends to overthrow the Pakistani government and establish an Islamic caliphate in Pakistan.[99]
Because the TTP is comprised of various groups with different sectarian backgrounds, individual TTP commanders may differ in their prioritization of the organization’s aforementioned goals.[100] Certain TTP leaders, such as Baitullah Mehsud, have also referenced global jihad as a means to rescue fellow Muslims from occupation, spread Shariah law, and avenge the growing U.S. presence and drone strikes in Pakistan.[101]
Although the TTP does not participate in the formal political process in Pakistan, it attempted to influence the 2013 general elections. Specifically, the TTP worked to create an atmosphere in which liberal and progressive parties could not go out to campaign safely. The organization targeted judges, lawyers, journalists, and all others who attempted to speak out against the TTP. For example, during the 2013 election cycle, TTP militants opened fire on a court complex while another militant detonated a suicide bomb. This attack killed 4 people and injured at least 30, one of whom was a judge.[102] Although the winning party was not a pro-Taliban religious extremist group, the TTP considered the success of a center-right conservative party (the Pakistan Muslim League (N)) to be a victory for its own goals.[103]
In addition to these informal interactions with Pakistani politics, the TTP has also recently begun to negotiate openly with the Pakistani government. In the initial years of its formation, the organization was starkly opposed to any negotiations with the Pakistani government. Although the Pakistani government had attempted to negotiate peace treaties with other militant groups since 2004, the government did not hold direct talks with the leadership of the TTP until ten years later.[104] In January 2014, the TTP entered into peace talks with the Pakistani government. The organization’s main goals were to negotiate an end to U.S. drone strikes and implement Shariah law throughout Pakistan. The talks were suspended two weeks later, when the TTP killed 23 soldiers that it had previously taken hostage.[105] Although a brief ceasefire revived the talks in March, the government permanently dissolved the negotiations following the TTP’s attack on the Jinnah International Airport in Karachi in June 2014.[106] With the increase of violent attacks in northwest Pakistan, the Pakistani government entered negotiations with the TTP that resulted in a month-long ceasefire from November to December 2021.[107]
The TTP’s most common form of attack is bombings, including suicide attacks.[108] The preferred targets for these attacks are Pakistani security forces and other symbols of the “un-Islamic” authority of the Pakistani government.[109] For example, the TTP has targeted schools, particularly those that educate girls or the children of Pakistani servicemen, in order to strike psychologically at its enemies. The TTP promotes its mission by disseminating pro-TTP messages through illegal FM radio channels, CDs, DVDs, newspapers, and websites. The organization places a significant effort in recruiting children and young adults through youth-targeted propaganda.[110] In particular, the TTP romanticizes and idolizes the concept of child martyrdom in its propaganda messages and training.[111] The TTP then indoctrinates masses of teenage boys to serve as suicide bombers.[112] The organization sends new recruits to training facilities in the FATA to learn how to conduct guerilla warfare and make bombs. Suicide bombers receive an additional four months of training in South Waziristan to prepare themselves for their missions.[113]
In addition to suicide bombings, the TTP also conducts hit-and-run raids against Pakistani security forces. The TTP usually chooses low-level targets, such as remote check-posts, supply lines, and mobile patrols for such attacks. The raids are designed to wear down the morale of soldiers, because they must maintain a constant vigil in order to protect themselves from the attacks. Hit-and-run operations are relatively easy for the TTP to conduct, because they require only a few armed men in order to disrupt and inflict destruction on the target.[114] Both Western and Pakistani officials consider the TTP to be particularly dangerous, given its ability to effectively target the Pakistani military.[115]
In major Pakistani cities, such as Karachi, the TTP manifests itself as a mafia-like presence. For example, militants often threaten business owners with death or the death of family members, unless they agree to pay the TTP. As a result, the TTP has been able to exercise a large degree of control over cities, to the point that police forces are often hesitant to enter certain districts.[116] Security analysts have cited the TTP’s presence in Karachi as particularly concerning, as it threatens the security of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal. This concern was confirmed in August 2014, when TTP militants attacked a naval base in Karachi suspected to house part of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal.[117]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
December 23, 2007: The TTP conducted a suicide attack on a military convoy in Mingora (13 killed, 25 wounded).[118]
December 27, 2007: The Pakistani government alleges that the TTP was behind the assassination of the then-Prime Minister of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto. However, the TTP denies this claim (1 killed, 0 wounded).[119]
August 21, 2008: The TTP conducted twin suicide bombings at Pakistan’s largest weapons factory (66 killed, 70 wounded).[120]
October 10, 2008: The TTP conducted a suicide bombing at a meeting of over 500 Ali Zai tribal leaders who had gathered to discuss the formation of a militia to secure the region and oppose the Taliban (85 killed, 200 wounded).[121]
March 30, 2009: The TTP conducted an attack on a police training academy in Lahore. Baitullah Mehsud claimed that the attack was in retaliation for the Pakistani government’s cooperation in continued U.S. drone strikes (10 killed, 95 wounded).[122]
October 9, 2009: A car bomb exploded in a market in Peshawar. Although the TTP did not officially claim responsibility for the attack, the Pakistani government suspected the bombing to be part of a TTP campaign in retaliation for the Pakistani military’s offensive on the TTP’s main base in South Waziristan (125 killed, 100+ wounded).[123]
December 30, 2009: TTP conducted a suicide bombing attack on a U.S. base in Afghanistan as an act of revenge for Baitullah Mehsud’s death (7 killed, 6 wounded).[124]
January 1, 2010: A TTP suicide bomber detonated a vehicle packed with explosives in the district of Lakki Marwat, where over 400 people had gathered to watch a volleyball match (105 killed, 100+ wounded).[125]
April 3, 2011: Two TTP suicide bombers attacked a Sufi shrine in Dera Ghazi Khan, where thousands of devotees had gathered to celebrate. (50 killed, 120 wounded).[126]
May 13, 2011: The TTP conduced a dual suicide bombing on a police cadet training center in Charsadda. A TTP spokesman, Ehsanullah Ehsan, claimed that the attacks were carried out in revenge for the killing of Osama bin Laden (98 killed, 115 wounded).[127]
October 9, 2012: A TTP gunman stormed a school bus and attempted to assassinate a young advocate for female education, Malala Yousafzai. Yousafzai survived the gunshot wound to the head and became an icon for girls’ rights. The incident sparked international sympathy and outrage and inspired widespread support for children’s and women’s rights. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[128]
July 26, 2013: The TTP conducted two coordinated suicide attacks against a Shiite community at a market in the Kurram Agency. The TTP asserted that the attack was an act of revenge for the alleged brutalities of Shiite Muslims on Sunni Muslims in Iraq and Syria (60 killed, 180 wounded).[129]
September 22, 2013: The TTP conducted a dual suicide bombing during a service at Christian church in Peshawar. The TTP claimed that such attacks against foreigners and non-Muslims would continue until there is an end to drone strikes (81 killed, 145 wounded).[130]
June 8, 2014: Ten TTP-led militants conducted a five-hour long siege on the Jinnah International Airport in Karachi. The incident was a joint attack between the TTP and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (18 killed, 26 wounded).[131]
December 16, 2014: TTP militants conducted a massacre in an Pakistan Army-run school in Peshawar. The majority of those killed in the attack were children (150 killed, 114 wounded).[132]
March 27, 2016: The Jamaat-ul-Ahrar faction of the TTP conducted a suicide bombing at a park in Lahore, where Christians had gathered to celebrate Easter (74 killed, 300 wounded).[133]
August 8, 2016: The TTP conducted a suicide bombing at the emergency ward of Quetta’s Civil Hospital, where scores of people were gathered to mourn the death of Balochistan Bar president, Bilal Anwar Kasi, in a shooting earlier that day (74 killed, 100 wounded).[134]
June 4, 2018: A TTP militant opened fire on a Pakistani Pashtun gathering led by activist Ali Wazir. The group had gathered for a PTM (Pashtun Protection Movement) rights rally (10 killed, 30 wounded).[135]
July 21, 2019: A TTP militant conducted a suicide bombing in a hospital in Dera Ismaill Khan. The TTP stated that this attack and one other than occurred in the region on the same day were in retaliation of the death of a TTP militant a month prior (8 killed, 30 wounded).[136]
July 14, 2021: A car filled with explosives drove into a bus carrying workers to a dam construction site in northern Pakistan, many of whom were Chinese workers. While the TTP denied responsibility for this attack, the Pakistani government announced their investigation proved the TTP’s involvement in the suicide bombing (13 killed, 25+ wounded).[137]
December 11, 2021: Two TTP militants shot a police officer who was guarding a polio vaccination team in Tank. This attack happened two days after the TTP ended a month-long ceasefire with the Pakistani government (1 killed, 1 wounded).[138]
Although the TTP frequently terrorizes the local Pakistani population, the organization relies on tribal loyalties and local affiliations for its recruitment. The TTP preys heavily on young men in madrassas and mosques, manipulating religious teachings to fit its tactical agenda. Specifically, the TTP claims that, in order to be a faithful Muslim, young men are morally obligated to fight all enemies of Islam, including the Pakistan Army. The TTP also recruits Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in refugee camps. Many of these individuals have either been affected by collateral damage from heavily military action by the Pakistani military or forced to move by the Pakistani government. As a result, individuals often harbor grudges toward the Pakistani state, and are vulnerable to indoctrination by the TTP.[142]
In addition to drawing recruits from local communities, the TTP also receives support from more conservative and hardline religious Pakistanis. For example, in Karachi, the TTP’s efforts to rid the city of immoral activities such as drugs and prostitution have made the organization more popular.[143]
Although there exists a base of local support for the TTP, particularly among strict religious communities in Waziristan and Karachi, the organization’s repeated and increasingly indiscriminate terror attacks have sparked widespread outrage among many Pakistanis. By the onset of Operation Zarb-e-Azb in 2014, citizens were demanding justice against terror organizations. Many were willing to support any military measures necessary to protect their towns from the brutal violence of the TTP and other militant groups. Pakistani security forces work to minimize collateral damage during aggressive counter-terror offensives in order to minimize the chance of alienating the local population and creating a new class of potential terrorist recruits. This potential retaliation for collateral damage is intensified by the Pashtun ethical code of conduct, Pakhtunwali, which stipulates that a man must avenge the death of a friend or brother.[144]
Approximately half of all Pakistani Taliban factions coalesce under the umbrella of the TTP. Of the other half of Pakistani Taliban factions, some are only loosely affiliated with the TTP, while others have little to no association with the organization. Two notable examples include the Nazir Group and Hafiz Gul Bahadur Group, which, as of their 2008 split, are part of the Pakistani Taliban, but not the TTP.[145] These two groups are focused on fighting U.S.-led Coalition forces in Afghanistan and have made peace agreements with the Pakistani government. However, fragmentation and disputes exist both between disparate Pakistani Taliban groups and within the official umbrella of the TTP. For example, TTP member groups often hold independent goals and regularly disagree over territorial control, leadership positions, and negotiations with the Pakistani government. Despite these inter-group conflicts, Pakistani Taliban groups (including the TTP and non-TTP groups) generally refrain from fighting one another. This is due primarily to their common struggle for survival in the face of Pakistani military operations and U.S. drone strikes.[146]
As its name suggests, the TTP is also associated with the Afghan Taliban. While the TTP and Afghan Taliban share tactics their emphasis on Islamic extremist ideology, the two organizations are distinct. Unlike the Afghan Taliban, which focuses on combatting U.S.-led coalition forces in Afghanistan, the TTP’s main target is the Pakistani state.[147] The Afghan Taliban has even condemned some of the TTP’s operations, such as its 2014 attack against a Pakistan Army school in Peshawar, which it deemed “un-Islamic.”[148] Despite their differing goals, the two organizations cooperate in order to maintain control over the tribal regions on the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan.[149] Furthermore, although the Afghan Taliban does not condone the TTP’s attacks in Pakistan, all TTP militants pledge their support for the Afghan Taliban and Afghan jihad. By pledging allegiance to the Afghan Taliban, the TTP is able to capitalize on the widespread support for the Afghan jihad which exists among Pashtun tribesmen. This helps to attract the maximum number of recruits to the TTP.[150] Maintaining a working relationship with the TTP is also beneficial to the Afghan Taliban, for it allows the organization to maintain safe havens and sanctuaries in Pakistan, and to recruit Pakistani Pashtun tribesmen to fight in Afghanistan.[151]
One of the TTP’s most powerful allies is Al Qaeda. Many of the tribal factions within the TTP are closely linked to Al Qaeda and have provided shelter to wanted Al Qaeda leaders since the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.[152] Baitullah Mehsud was particularly instrumental in facilitating a close, symbiotic relationship between the TTP and Al Qaeda since the TTP’s formation in 2007. Specifically, Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden sent militants to aid in the TTP’s attacks against Pakistani, Afghan, and U.S.-led coalition forces, in exchange for the TTP’s willingness to allow Al Qaeda to operate in South Waziristan. In March 2008, Mehsud reflected common Al Qaeda rhetoric when he threatened to attack the Washington, D.C.[153] The TTP continues to provide Al Qaeda members with safe haven in areas of Pakistan under TTP, while Al Qaeda provides the TTP with logistical guidance.
The relationship between the Haqqani Network and the TTP dates back to 2007, when the two groups agreed to begin abducting hostages for ransom. Although the TTP and the Haqqani Network generally operate independent of one another, they cooperate smoothly in hostage scenarios involving high-value captives.[154] In 2012, the two groups allegedly clashed in North Waziristan, leaving 8 dead.[155] However, despite this incident, the Haqqani Network allegedly provides groups within the Pakistani Taliban with tens of thousands of soldiers. The TTP also relies on the Haqqani network for access into Afghanistan.[156]
The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) has been an ally of the TTP since 2007, when Baitullah Mehsud provided shelter to IMU militants retreating from the Nazir Group.[157] In late January 2013, the TTP and IMU formed the Ansar al Aseer, a joint unit dedicated to freeing imprisoned jihadis and supporting their families.[158] The two groups often carry out joint attacks on the Pakistani state and U.S.-led coalition forces in Afghanistan.[159] For example, in April 2012, approximately 150 IMU and TTP militants launched a successful raid on Bannu Prison in Pakistan, freeing nearly 400 prisoners.[160] Another notable joint attack occurred in June 2014, when the TTP and IMU conducted a five-hour long siege on the Jinnah International Airport in Karachi.[161]
Although Jundullah is sometimes referenced as a splinter group of the TTP, the true nature of the relationship between the two groups is unclear.[162] The group was absorbed into the TTP sometime between 2009 and 2013, as Jundullah’s leader, Hakimullah Mehsud, was also the leader of the TTP.[163] However, the group allegedly splintered from the TTP after Mehsud’s death, and has now vowed allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.[164]
Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) is a suspected ally of the TTP, as the two groups have occasionally collaborated. However, the TTP has conducted violent attacks against LeT fronts, such as Jammat-ud-Dawa, LeT’s social welfare wing, and killed at least 15 Jammat-ud-Dawa officials between 2008 and 2009.[165] Due to these previous attacks, the relationship between LeT and the TTP is difficult to corroborate. LeT has also acted as a network through which the TTP can train and coordinate with other militant groups.[166] LeT has also reportedly attempted to influence the TTP to restrain its attacks on the Pakistan Army and instead intensify violence against Afghanistan, the U.S. and India.[167]
Other militant groups that are allied with the TTP include Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM), Harkatul Jihad-E-Islami (HUJI), Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), and the Indian Mujahideen (IM).[168] As part of these alliances, the TTP often facilitates suicide operations and provides other organizations with suicide bombers.[169]
In 2014, the TTP experienced significant fragmentation, primarily due to disagreements over key strategic decisions, such as if the TTP should engage in peace talks with the Pakistani government, or if civilians qualify as acceptable targets for attacks.[170] The TTP’s second major split, after the 2008 departure of the Nazir Group and the Hafiz Ful Bahadur Group, occurred in February 2014, when a member group known as Ahrar-ul-Hind left the organization in opposition to talks between the TTP and the Pakistani government.[171] Then, in May 2014, the Mehsud division (also known as the TTP South Waziristan or TTP Sanja faction) broke away from the organization over certain practices, which it considered to be immoral and “un-Islamic,” such as extortion, kidnappings, and attacks on civilians.[172] Later that year, several other factions and individual commanders split with the TTP, including Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JA), the TTP Shehryar Mehsud faction, the Punjabi Taliban, and Jundullah.[173] Some of these latter splits were influenced by the rise of the Islamic State. For example, Jundullah and six other TTP commanders, including Shahidullah Shahid, defected from the TTP after pledging allegiance to the Islamic State.[174]
In March 2015, a spokesman for JA announced that it had rejoined the TTP, and that Lashkar-e-Islam (LeI) had also united under the TTP banner.[175] Two months later, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), and two other jihadi groups lead by Quari Ehsanul Haq and Muhammad Shamil, merged with the TTP.[176] On February 2, 2017, the TTP announced that the Mehsud division had rejoined the organization.[177] Despite the fact that many of the groups that split with the TTP in 2014 ultimately rejoined its ranks, some groups, such as the Shehryar Mehsud faction and Jundullah, remain estranged from the organization.[178]
In 2020, the TTP competed with the Islamic State in the Khorasan Province (IS-KP) for influence over the Kashmiri jihad in efforts to increase its transnational network. The TTP reintegrated JA and Hizbul Ahrar, a group that split from JA in 2017, after both groups had previously aligned themselves with IS-KP for several years.[179] The TTP also merged with the Hakimullah Mehsud group and the Amjad Farouqi group who was previously affiliated with Al Qaeda. When the Biden administration pulled U.S. troops out of Afghanistan in August 2021, Mehsud reiterated the TTP’s allegiance to the Afghan Taliban and pledged to fully support the restored regime.[180] The Pakistani government implied that the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan would restrict the TTP’s strength but were proved wrong as the Afghan Taliban reinforced connections with the TTP.[181] The Afghan Taliban released TTP prisoners who had been imprisoned by the Afghan government in addition to ensuring free movement between Pakistan and Afghanistan. By December 2021, between 5,000 and 10,000 TTP militants moved into Afghanistan to help the Afghan Taliban maintain stability as it exerted control over Kabul.[182] Friction between the Pakistani government and the Afghan Taliban-backed TTP is expected to increase in 2022, with potential areas of concern along the border as the Pakistani government continues to construct border fences.[183]
In April 2017, a former spokesman for the TTP, Ehsanullah Ehsan, claimed that Afghan and Indian intelligence agencies allegedly provide the TTP with funds and other assistance to combat the Pakistani government. The TTP’s relationship with the Afghan National Directorate of Security (NDS) and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) theoretically developed in 2014, when TTP militants fled across the border to Afghanistan as a result of Operation Zarb-e-Azb.[184] Ehsan claims that both the NDS and RAW supported the TTP by providing financial assistance. Additionally, Ehsan alleged that the NDS issued TTP militants special identify cards for free movement in Afghanistan, while the RAW offered payment for the TTP’s willingness to conduct attacks on certain targets.[185]
Both the Afghan and Indian governments strongly denied Ehsan’s allegations, asserting that there is no credibility to the claims.[186] An Afghan security official dismissed Ehsan’s claims as an attempt by the Pakistani government to further the narrative that it is a victim of terrorism, while, in actuality, it is a sponsor of terrorism in Afghanistan and India.[187]
[1] “Bomb blasts in the North West Frontier Province – 2007.” South Asia Terrorism Portal, n.d., http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/nwfp/datasheet/2007.htm.
[2] Mehsud, Saud. ”Five Pakistan soldiers killed in attack from Afghanistan, military says.” Reuters, 6 Feb. 2022, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/five-pakistan-soldiers-killed....
[3] Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/; “Tehrik-E Taliban Pakistan.” South Asia Terrorism Portal, n.d., http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/ttp.htm.
[4] Brumfield, Ben, and Naomi Ng. “Who are the Pakistani Taliban?” CNN World, 17 Dec. 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/12/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-explainer/index.html.
[5] Brumfield, Ben, and Naomi Ng. “Who are the Pakistani Taliban?” CNN World, 17 Dec. 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/12/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-explainer/index.html; Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf.
Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/.
[6] Zahid, Farhan. “Fragmented Yet Fatal: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan.” Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement, Feb. 2015, http://www.cf2r.org/images/stories/foreign_analyzes/fa-15.pdf.
[7] Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/; “Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP).” National Counterterrorism Center, n.d., https://www.dni.gov/nctc/groups/ttp.html.
[8] Jamal, Sana, and M. Ahsan. “TTP – Analyzing the Network of Terror.” International Relations Insights & Analysis, no. 6, 2015, http://www.ir-ia.com/reports/IRIA-TTP.pdf.
[9] Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/; “Tehrik-E Taliban Pakistan.” South Asia Terrorism Portal, n.d., http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/ttp.htm.
[10] Brumfield, Ben, and Naomi Ng. “Who are the Pakistani Taliban?” CNN World, 17 Dec. 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/12/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-explainer/index.html.
[11] Brumfield, Ben, and Naomi Ng. “Who are the Pakistani Taliban?” CNN World, 17 Dec. 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/12/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-explainer/index.html; Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf; Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/.
[12] Khattak, Daud. “The Complicated Relationship Between the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban.” Combatting Terrorism Center at West Point. 16 Feb. 2012, https://ctc.usma.edu/posts/the-complicated-relationship-between-the-afghan-and-pakistani-taliban.
[13] Zahid, Farhan. “Fragmented Yet Fatal: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan.” Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement, Feb. 2015, http://www.cf2r.org/images/stories/foreign_analyzes/fa-15.pdf.
[14] Zahid, Farhan. “Fragmented Yet Fatal: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan.” Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement, Feb. 2015, http://www.cf2r.org/images/stories/foreign_analyzes/fa-15.pdf.
[15] Yusufzai, Rahimullah. “A Who’s Who of the Insurgency in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province: Part Two – FATA excluding North and South Waziristan.” Terrorism Monitor, vol. 7, no. 4, 2009, https://jamestown.org/program/a-whos-who-of-the-insurgency-in-pakistans-north-west-frontier-province-part-two-fata-excluding-north-and-south-waziristan/.
[16] Jamal, Sana, and M. Ahsan. “TTP – Analyzing the Network of Terror.” International Relations Insights & Analysis, no. 6, 2015, http://www.ir-ia.com/reports/IRIA-TTP.pdf.}} {{Zahid, Farhan. “Fragmented Yet Fatal: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan.” Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement, Feb. 2015, http://www.cf2r.org/images/stories/foreign_analyzes/fa-15.pdf.
[17] “Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, June, 2015, http://www.start.umd.edu/baad/narratives/tehrik-i-taliban-pakistan-ttp#_edn15.
[18] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf; Abbas, Zaffar. “Pakistan’s undeclared war.” BBC News, 10 Sept. 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3645114.stm.
[19] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf; Abbas, Zaffar. “Pakistan’s undeclared war.” BBC News, 10 Sept. 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3645114.stm.
[20] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf.
[21] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf.
[22] Moreau, Ron. “Does Mehsud’s Death Mean the End of Al Qaeda?” Newsweek, 6 August, 2009, http://www.newsweek.com/does-mehsuds-death-mean-end-al-qaeda-78811.
[23] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf.
[24] Abbas, Hassan. “A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.” CTC Sentinel, vol. 1, no. 2, 2008, https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Vol1Iss2-Art1.pdf.
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