Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
BACRIM groups are considered the third generation of drug trafficking organizations: the first was comprised of large cartels, the second of paramilitaries, and the third of BACRIM factions, the successors of paramilitary groups.[83] Though BACRIM groups grew predominantly out of the right-wing AUC, they have no clear political agenda.[84] AUC actively combatted guerrilla groups and their supporters. In contrast, BACRIM organizations are exclusively involved in cocaine production, smuggling, illegal gold mining, and extreme violence.[85] Some BACRIM groups have sought political participation in an effort to demobilize under favorable conditions, rather than actually engage in regional or state politics. Political military groups have protections under Colombian law that are not offered to organized crime groups, and BACRIM organizations wanted to take advantage of this distinction. Although some groups and leaders within BACRIM have been working towards demobilization, BACRIM organizations’ overall goal is territorial gain and control of the drug trade within their areas of operation. BACRIM factions have frequently been in conflict with one another over territory, which has led to internal alliances and rivalries.[86]
BACRIM has no political agenda.[87] However, BACRIM members, particularly ex-paramilitary members, have used ties to Colombian public officials in order to protect their group’s business interests.[88]
Despite the Colombian government’s blanket refusal to legitimize any BACRIM factions as political organizations, several BACRIM groups have tried to appear as political organizations so as to be able to negotiate with the government under more favorable terms. Political military groups have protections under Colombian law that are not offered to organized crime groups, and BACRIM organizations have attempted to take advantage of this distinction. In 2003, Los Rastrojos tried to negotiate a peace agreement with the Colombian government. In an effort to appear to be a legitimate political organization, the group changed its name from “Los Rastrojos” to “Rondas Campesinas Populares” (Popular Peasant Patrols, RCP).[89] The government refused to allow the group into negotiations, so it changed its name back to “Los Rastrojos.”
Los Urabeños has also tried to negotiate a peace agreement with the Colombian government. Following the beginning of peace talks between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian government in 2012, Los Urabeños began to alter its image to appear more political. The group created a website and a newspaper, and it classified itself as a “military-political organization.”[90] In 2018, the Colombian Congress created a law that outlined the terms for militant groups to demobilize.[91] There were initial negotiations between Los Urabeños and President Santos’ government, including on the application of the 2018 law to Los Urabeños. However, negotiations were suspended indefinitely when President Duque took office in August 2018. Uncertainty surrounding the demobilization and reintegration of the FARC and the Colombian government’s fulfillment of its responsibilities outlined in the 2016 peace process also contributed to the cessation of negotiations.[92]
In February 2017, Luis Carlos Villegas, the Colombian Minister of Defense declared that there were no paramilitary groups in Colombia. By making such a statement, despite recorded violence conducted by BACRIM factions, the government reiterated its position in not recognizing the BACRIM groups as paramilitary organizations. Instead, the government considers BACRIM groups to be part of organized crime and to have no legitimate political standing.[93] As of August 2019, the Colombian government has not engage in any efforts to demobilize and reintegrate of organized crime group because it does not want to give these organizations “political status.”[94]
BACRIM groups directly target Colombian police, especially in retaliation to police attacks on BACRIM organizations.[95] In 2012, Los Urabeños offered its members a reward of approximately $1,000 for each police officer they murdered.[96] BACRIM factions have also targeted indigenous and Afro-Colombian community leaders.[97] BACRIM’s “sicarios” (assassins) often assassinate uncorrupt political leaders, journalists, “sapos” (informants), and the targets chosen by elites paying for assassinations.[98]
BACRIM operations have included drug trafficking, extortion, gold mining, gambling, contraband smuggling, human trafficking, and the smuggling of gasoline.[99] Additionally, BACRIM groups have carried out assassination operations for financial gain and to maintain their authority.[100] BACRIM organizations often recruit underprivileged teenagers as “sicarios,” whom they employ and often house with other BACRIM group members.[101] In order to avoid authorities, BACRIM factions have utilized a system of “campaneros” (spotters), or unarmed people that watch for authorities and use cell phones or radio to warn the group of threats.[102]
BACRIM groups have also received tips from corrupt Colombian government, police, and military officers.[103] Though the Colombian government condemns activities of BACRIM organizations, BACRIM members rely on public officials for assistance. Through corruption and the use of bribes, BACRIM groups involve police, security forces, municipal council members, and mayors to protect their own business interests. In 2014, more than 200 anticorruption investigations of Colombian officials were allegedly undertaken to explore suspected ties with BACRIM groups.[104]
In June 2019, Colombian authorities discovered that Los Urabeños had been producing landmines at a site in Riosucio, Chocó, near the Colombia-Panama border. Experts believe that Los Urabeños planted these landmines as part of its fight against the ELN’s increasing presence in the region. Additionally, the landmines might have been intended as a scare tactic to force local populations to stay off drug trafficking routes and confine the expansion of villages.[105]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
This list of major attacks highlights only certain attacks and operations by BACRIM groups. It does not cover all of BACRIM’s major attacks, nor does it address BACRIM’s daily assassination operations. The lack of communication between Colombian authorities and civilians in the regions that BACRIM factions control, as well as the frequent occurrence of assassinations, makes it difficult to compile a comprehensive list of the use of violence by BACRIM groups.
September 2008: BACRIM faction Aguilas Negras launched two attacks within a few weeks of each other. The first attack killed three indigenous leaders in Cauca, and the second attack killed five other community members (8 killed, 1+ wounded).[106]
November 2012: Los Rastrojos killed 10 tree tomato farmers in a municipality northeast of Bogota, allegedly over an extortion fee (10 killed, unknown wounded).[107]
September 2014: The Colombian government suspected Los Urabeños for mounting an attack in collaboration with the FARC against police officials in Córdoba (7 killed, unknown wounded).[108]
March 2017: Approximately 200 members of Los Urabeños entered Peña Azul in Alto Baudó (northwest Colombia). The militants claimed to be seeking the forces of the ELN. Their appearance caused the forced displacement of approximately 400 civilians (unknown casualties).[109]
January 2018: Los Urabeños injured 30 people after throwing a grenade into a dance club in Antioquia (unknown killed, 30 wounded)[110]
October 30, 2018: Los Rastrojos attacked a Venezuelan military base that was located twenty meters from the Colombian border. The attack was a show of force in retaliation for the capture of one of their members on the previous day (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[111]
February-March 2019: Los Urabeños and the ELN clashed while competing for control of drug trafficking routes along Bojayá, trapping approximately 2,800 people within the conflict area and causing international condemnation of the attacks (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[112]
BACRIM groups maintain control of communities in their territory through the use of violence. BACRIM organizations have frequently engaged in forced displacement, sexual violence, and massacres.[116] The groups are also known for their use of extortion and political assassinations in order to coerce local populations to support the organization and its drug trafficking operations.
In impoverished, rural areas, such as along the coast of Colombia, BACRIM groups have targeted local community leaders, particularly of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Because government involvement in these regions and with these communities has historically been absent, local leaders play a large role in community formation, structure, and decision-making. Analysts speculate that BACRIM organizations attack local leaders to remove traditional sources of order and legitimacy. These leaders are often killed on the charge that they collaborated with the previous organization that was occupying the territory. This tactic gives groups space to exert their control over a given region.[117]
BACRIM groups, specifically Los Urabeños, are also known for their direct intimidation of and outreach to minors. BACRIM groups have taken over classrooms and given children (mostly teenagers) guns and cars – items that are hard to come by in rural areas.[118] Taking over classrooms serves as both an intimidation tactic as well as a recruitment platform, and providing material items acts as an incentive for minors to join the criminal gangs.
Although BACRIM groups bring violence to the regions in which they operate, they also provide protection to coca farmers growing crops in their territories. BACRIM groups that are predominantly involved in drug trafficking have an economic interest in safeguarding coca farms and ensuring some level of economic stability. Consequently, BACRIM organizations provide protection in areas where coca cultivation is a major economy, such as along the Colombian coast and in Cauca. Because President Duque’s government has dramatically increased efforts to eradicate coca production, coca farmers have grown dependent on the presence of BACRIM factions and other militant groups that are involved in the drug trade.[119] In addition to providing economic protection, BACRIM groups also claim to provide local communities protection from other militant organizations. For example, Los Urabeños has claimed to be protecting local populations in Cauca from the ELN.[120]
BACRIM groups form the basis of social and political stability for many of the regions in which they operate. BACRIM organizations instill the rule of law within their territory, and they often settle disputes between local parties. Several BACRIM factions believe in “social cleansing,” killing those who they have convicted of crimes like rape, theft, and sometimes drug addiction.[121] Some BACRIM groups have also threatened members of the LGBT community. However, as of 2017, there have not been any definitive attacks on members of the LGBT community specifically due to their sexual orientation.[122]
The involvement of BACRIM factions in the drug trade ties them to leftist guerrilla groups in Colombia, particularly the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN). BACRIM groups have traded and bought drug products, namely coca base, from the FARC. Additionally, the FARC reportedly contracted BACRIM’s ‘assassins for hire,’ to provide additional militants for FARC attacks.[123] In September 2014, Los Urabeños reportedly collaborated with the FARC in an attack on Colombian police.[124] Since the demobilization of the FARC, BACRIM organizations have fought amongst themselves in the FARC’s former territory for control of its drug production and trafficking routes.
BACRIM groups have increased their interactions with the ELN since the demobilization of the FARC in 2016. Beginning in 2016-2017, BACRIM organizations like Los Rastrojos and Los Urabeños have been collaborating with the ELN on illegal drug trafficking.[125] Although Los Urabeños has cooperated with the ELN, the group has also been competing with the ELN for territory and control of drug trafficking routes. Since 2015, violence between the ELN and Los Urabeños has caused the forced displacement of approximately 50,000 people in Chocó.[126] From February to March 2019, clashes between Los Urabeños and the ELN forced the confinement of approximately 2,800 people in Bojayá, a city along two major drug trafficking routes in northern Colombia.[127]
For its international drug trafficking operations, BACRIM groups have ties to other transnational crime organizations and drug cartels. As of August 2019, Los Urabeños has established business with Mexican drug cartels like the Sinaloa Cartel and Los Zetas.[128]
In Venezuela, the BACRIM group Los Rastrojos is allegedly allied financially with the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB), Venezuela’s armed forces. The two have cooperated in gasoline smuggling from Venezuela to Colombia. However, Los Rastrojos and the GNB have also engaged in violence against each other. The GNB arrested members of Los Rastrojos, and Los Rastrojos retaliated with attacks and kidnappings of national guardsmen.[129]
BACRIM groups also have complicated relationships with other organizations falling under the BACRIM label. Los Urabeños has historically been in competition with Los Rastrojos for territory as well as economic influence in the drug trafficking industry.[130] Simultaneously, Los Urabeños is allied with Los Libertadores del Vichada.[131] Although Los Libertadores del Vichada cooperates with Los Urabeños, it has been in competition with another group in Los Puntilleros, Bloque Meta.[132]
International crime groups have historically influenced BACRIM organizations. BACRIM groups have traditionally traded with Mexican drug cartels, particularly the Sinaloa Cartel, and earn $5,000 per kilo of cocaine sold.[133] In 2013, BACRIM organizations explored the possibility of operating directly in Italy and Spain in an effort to earn more per kilo of cocaine sold.[134] As of June 2019, BACRIM groups allegedly have ties to the Italian Mafia.[135]
The United States has also influenced the leadership and the continuation of BACRIM organizations. Since around 2012, leadership in BACRIM groups, such as Los Rastrojos, have made deals with U.S. law enforcement in order to serve lighter prison sentences in the United States than what they would receive in Colombia. Leaders like Luis E. Calle Serna have turned themselves in to U.S. authorities after negotiating plea deals with the United States government. These proceedings have created divisions within the leadership of BACRIM groups like Los Rastrojos, as leaders who turn themselves over to authorities come into conflict with those who continue the organization’s militant operations.[136]
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