Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
Azov, and the Ukrainian far-right more broadly, mixes classic right wing themes, including antisemitism, ethnocentrism, homophobia, and racism, with more populist economic proposals arguing for a greater role of the state in society.
The ideology of the Azov Movement is rooted in early 1900s Ukrainian Nationalism. Several key historical figures influence Azov’s ideology. Mykola Stsiborksyi, a senior ideologue in a nationalist Ukrainian political party in the 1930s, established the idea of Natisiokratii, or Natiocracy, a totalitarian system influenced by Italian fascism. Natiocracy held that capitalist liberal democracy only furthered the interests of competing groups, furthering exploitation and that liberty and equality were mere empty promises. Natiocracy also champions nationalism as a state’s defining purpose and rejects the principles of universal suffrage and equal civil rights.[162] Under Stsiborksyi’s Natiocracy plan, the national elite govern under a single dictator, the economy is entirely under state control, and equal rights do not exist. In his political commentary, Biletsky referenced Natiocracy as the means to “form a political system that would ensure only professional and competent Ukrainians come to power.” The Azov Movement’s publishing house, Plomin, published editions of Natiocracy with the wolfsangel logo, and translated it into German for wider distribution.[163] Housed in the Cossack House in Kyiv, Plomin functions as a literary salon and publisher for National Corps. The interior walls were decorated with imagery of facist ideologues from the early 1900s, including Yukio Mishima, Carl Schmitt, Ernst Junger, Oswald Spengler, and Julius Evola.[164] A journalist who traveled to the Cosssack House and interviewed Plomin staff, as well as high ranking National Corps and National Militia leadership, characterized the publisher as perceiving itself as the “a harbinger of a broader, nobler intellectual and spiritual battle against the liberal ethos”.[165]
Mykola Kravchenko, chief ideologue for the National Corps before he was killed in a Russian airstrike in March 2022, advocated for a concept he called “multilevel citizenship” as a part of Stsiborksyi’s Natiocracy.[166] Kravchenko specifically criticizes universal suffrage as “the main reason for the very real deconstruction of the institution of national statehood”. Several tenets of this ideology include greater authority for the state to strip away civil rights and citizenship, rights should be based on merit, voting should be restricted to select people, and some votes should count more than others.[167]
Dmitri Dontsov was another Ukrainian Nationalist writer in the early 1900s century, Dontsov propagated an idea of militant nationalism for Ukraine, wherein the nation is a collective entity with a will carried out by a national elite, and a advocacy for violence rooted in a theory of amorality – any act was justified as long as it was for the good of the nation. In 2018, Biletsky described the work as a “classic”. Eduar Yurchenko, a far-right ideologue with a history of affiliation with the Azov Movement, gave a speech to the National Corps in which he claimed Dontsov was key to understanding the “general crisis of European civilization”, which Ukrainians “have a mission to counter”.[168]
Azov’s ideology exploits the militaristic aspects of historical Ukrainian figures. One example is Sviatoslav, a ruler in the 900s who conquered the Khazar Empire, whose rulers and part of the population were Jewish. Sviatloslav and is widely revered by the far-right today. In 2015, Andriy Biletsky built a statue of Sviatoslav in Mariupol, taking the place of a statue of Lenin.[169] The Azov Movement references him as a model hero of Ukraine, and used historical artifacts believed to be linked to Sviatloslav as a means of generating support and recruits in its youth organizations.[170]
Similarly, the Azov Movement constantly evokes the Cossacks, a people from the northern Black Sea region with a history of militarism in the 1600s century. Various myths and imagery of the Cossacks are utilized by factions across the political spectrum to include liberals, soviet propagandists and Ukrainian Nationalists. This imagery is typically used to support political narratives centering individualism, patriotism, and bravery. Azov uses Cossack symbolism the same way, and as a means of centering themselves as the heroic defenders of Ukraine.[171]
Azov’s founder, Andriy Biletsky, stated it was Ukraine’s mission to “Lead the white races of the world in a final crusade… against semite-led subhumans.”[172] Biletsky’s group, Patriot Ukraine, precursor to the Azov Battalion, was characterized as a neo-nazi and ultra-nationalist organization, and Patriot Ukraine was assimilated into Azov in 2014.[173] Members and leaders of the Azov Battalion later denied its neo-Nazi ties despite members having swastika tattoos and patches with extreme-right insignia.[174]
Olena Semenyaka, spokeswoman and head of Azov’s international outreach office, has articulated a vision in which Azov takes over Ukraine. In remarks to the Nordic Resistance Movement, Semenyaka said “We are on the march to power and we will either have to get there by parliament or by other means”.[175] In a 2020 interview, Semenyaka articulated a vision of Ukraine as the center of an “Intermarium”, or political union, of conservative Central European countries, which would defend its ethnocultural values against Russia, the West, and increasing globalization.[176] An instructor at an Azov run summer camp for Ukrainian children stated that “only nationalists can give something to this country, not democrats, not liberals”.[177] Azov’s political ambitions are slow and steady. Characterized as “metapolitics”, Azov pursues a political strategy centered around gradually shifting the mainstream closer to themselves to capture cultural power as a precondition for the capture of political power.[178] Semenyaka has referred to this strategy in her public remarks, stating that Azov’s strategy is to build “cultural hegemony” as a means to building political hegemony.[179]
In November 2008, Biletsky created the umbrella Social Nationalist Assembly (SNA) movement.[180] The movement was a derivative of the earlier political party Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU), which later became known as Svoboda. The SNA contained members from a collection of nationalist and extreme-right groups in Ukraine which promoted a neo-Nazi ideology.[181] Members from the SNA later joined Azov.
In 2016, Andriy Biletsky created a political party known as the National Corps.[182] Biletsky became the de facto political leader of the National Corps although he did not have an official position. Olena Semenyaka is the head and spokesperson for the National Corps.[183] In 2018, the U.S. Department of State published a country report from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which characterized National Corps as a “Nationalist Hate Group”.[184] The
In 2017, National Corps entered a coalition with other far-right political groups, most notably Right Sector, and Svoboda. These groups signed a document they called the “Nationalist Manifesto”, which outlined a political goal of “the acquisition and development of the Great Ukrainian State”. A coalition like this meant running under a single party, and fewer candidates from each group campaigning. Leading up to 2019, the parties struggled to consolidate their leadership, and decide who would run for office on the unified ticket from which parties. In June of 2019, Svoboda announced members of National Corps and Right Sector would be running among their list of candidates, including Andriy Biletsky, Andrii Tarasenko, and Dmytro Yarosh.[185]
The coalition only garnered 2.3% of the vote and failed to gain any seats, less than half of the 5% needed to gain any seats in Parliament.[186] Some scholars suggested the group did not have ambitions to command large political power, but to radicalize the population and help normalize extreme-right, neo-Nazi ideas in Ukrainian politics.[187] Olena Semenyaka stated in 2019 interviews that Azov and National Corps sought to “develop parallel state structures” and “entry strategies to save the Ukrainian state” in the event of Ukraine’s President Zelensky becoming “a puppet of the Kremlin.”[188] Furthermore, by 2019, corruption was widely viewed as the number 1 issue by Ukrainian voters, not the war. Without their favored issue on the political center stage, the far-right candidates failed to communicate a narrative which resonated with broader Ukrainian society. Petro Poroshenko’s party also utilized patriotic rhetoric, which undercut the far-right’s primary message.[189]
The Cossack House, and Plomin specifically, drive the core of National Corps ideological message, and the message of the broader Azov Movement. The Cossack House serves as a multipurpose political headquarters, recruiting center, and publishing house, where leadership from various parts of the Azov Movement collect themselves. Prior to the 2014 Maidan Revolution, the building served as military housing. During the violence of the revolution, Azov took over control and now leases it from the Ministry of Defense. The House includes offices, a lecture hall, film club, free gym for members, and the Plomin publishing house. The Cossack House published leaflets advertising Azov’s youth camps, claiming they provided weapons training and patriotic education. Publication and distribution of the Christchurch, New Zealand Mosque shooter’s manifesto also came from the Cossack House. Olena Semenyaka, when she was National Corps spokeswoman and head of Azov’s international outreach, worked out of the Cossack House.[190]
Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, National Corps announced the suspension of all political activities to take up arms against Russian Forces.[191]
The Azov military wing is predominantly a light infantry force, but did possess heavier equipment including armored personnel carriers, artillery and tanks.[192] From 2014-2022 Azov conducted patrols around Mariupol in search of pro-Russian forces, dug trenches and defensive positions, and organized cells around Mariupol to fortify the city’s defenses.[193]
In 2014 and 2015, the Azov Battalion reportedly engaged in the detention, interrogations, and torture of a Mariupol resident.[194] In 2016, members of the Azov Regiment forcibly obstructed the entrance to a Ukrainian TV channel station after the TV channel broadcast a Russian journalist.[195] In 2018, the National Militia targeted Roma and LGBT minorities in Ukraine.[196] The National Militia publicized their attacks through livestreams on Facebook.
In January and February 2022, the Azov Regiment conducted civilian training programs in Kyiv and Mariupol in preparation for a Russian invasion.[197] The Russian invasion led to a siege of Mariupol beginning in March 2022 where Azov forces once again resisted enemy forces using a combination of small arms, defensive maneuvers, and lightly-armed attacks.[198]
Other Azov units such as those formed in Kyiv, Kharkiv, and Dnipro also began the war using similar infantry tactics in the defense of their respective sectors of the frontline. However, these Azov units had better access to foreign-supplied anti-tank weapons relatively early in the war, unlike the National Guard Regiment, which was largely cut off from Ukrainian supply lines.[199] Some of the larger Azov units, such as the Azov SSO, have also been able to employ heavy artillery in addition to lighter artillery such as mortars.[200] The Kraken special unit, which is also engaged in “reconnaissance and sabotage” actions, has been depicted using heavy artillery as well.[201]
The Cossack House, and Plomin specifically, drive the core of National Corps ideological message, and the message of the broader Azov Movement. The Cossack House serves as a multipurpose political headquarters, recruiting center, and publishing house, where leadership from various parts of the Azov Movement collect themselves. Prior to the 2014 Maidan Revolution, the building served as military housing. During the violence of the revolution, Azov took over control and now leases it from the Ministry of Defense. The House includes offices, a lecture hall, film club, free gym for members, and the Plomin publishing house. The Cossack House published leaflets advertising Azov’s youth camps, claiming they provided weapons training and patriotic education. Publication and distribution of the Christchurch, New Zealand Mosque shooter’s manifesto also came from the Cossack House. Olena Semenyaka, when she was National Corps spokeswoman and head of Azov’s international outreach, worked out of the Cossack House.[202]
The Azov Movement uses a variety of media strategies to garner attention in Ukrainian media. Leaders like Biletsky and Zhorin frequent talk shows and newscasts on numerous Ukrainian networks.[203] The Movement also uses a mixture of public and individual Telegram channels to push its message. Biletsky’s personal channel had 20,000 followers by 2021.[204] Ukraina 24/7, one of the most popular Russian language channels in Ukraine with over 400,000 subscribers, regularly posted Azov’s content. It is also likely much of the pro-Azov content on public Telegram channels was paid and sponsored by the Movement.[205] Azov has also had some success in curtailing negative coverage. In 2021, a state funded TV channel broadcast a YouTube video critical of the far-right in Ukraine. Zhorin, as well as Serhiy Sternenko of Right Sector, publicly condemned the channel until they removed the clip from broadcast.[206]
The political elements of the Azov Movement also capitalize on the credibility veterans of the war receive in Ukraine. Polling in 2021 showed the armed forces as Ukraine’s most trusted institution.[207] Azov exploits this by presenting itself as having battled Ukraine’s enemies, Azov attempts to equate criticism of them as criticism of Ukrainian veterans in general.[208]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization’s history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
April 2014: The Azov Battalion’s first violent attack was in April 2014 when it clashed with Russian-backed separatists in Donetsk (Unknown Killed, Unknown Wounded).[209]
June 13, 2014: The Azov Battalion seized Mariupol from Russian-backed separatists (36 Killed, 24 Wounded). At this time the Battalion was a volunteer militia, and a sub-state actor, acting with the permission of Ukrainian authorities.[210]
June 2018: Members of the National Militia attacked a Roma camp outside Kyiv. Twenty men destroyed the camp and live-streamed it on Facebook (Zero Killed, Zero Wounded). As National Militia is a wing of National Corps, a political party, this attack was carried out by a sub-state actor, not an agent of the Ukrainian government.[211]
February – May 2022: On February 22, Russian forces invaded Ukraine. Combat forces clashed with members of the Azov Regiment and other Azov movement units in Mariupol, Kyiv, and Kharkiv. (Unknown Killed, Unknown Wounded).[212] Although most of the Azov Regiment was killed or captured during the siege of Mariupol, other Azov units continue to operate in the vicinity of Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, and other sectors of the frontline in eastern Ukraine.[213]
July 2022: International news reported Azov SSO fighters video online of a drone strike against Russian forces. It is the first reported footage of an Azov affiliated unit using a drone to drop explosives.[214] Azov SSO units are integrated alongside Ukrainian Special Operations Forces and are extensions of the Azov Regiment.[215]
August 2022: Azov SSO units in Kharkiv claimed credit for an attack on Russian forces outside the village of Ternova, in the Kharkiv region. A commander of the SSO unit claimed the attack destroyed several vehicles, an outpost, ammunition depot, and killed 7 Russian combatants.[216] Azov SSO units are integrated alongside Ukrainian Special Operations Forces, and are extensions of the Azov Regiment.[217]
In May 2014, Ukraine designated the Azov Battalion as an official volunteer battalion status.[218]
On September 17, 2014, Ukraine designated the Azov Battalion as a “regiment.”[219]
On November 12, 2014, Ukraine redesignated the Azov Battalion a “Special Purpose Regiment” and formally integrated it into the National Guard.[220]
In 2016, Facebook designated the Azov Battalion a “dangerous organization,” which allows it to regulate Azov content and deplatform Azov-related pages.[221] In February 2022, Facebook’s parent company Meta announced that it would be temporarily loosening this designation to allow discussion of the Azov Regiment in the context of Ukrainian defense efforts. The ban still prohibited Azov from using Facebook for messaging, advertising, and recruiting.[222]
Annual U.S. military support to Ukraine has included a ban on any material from going to the Azov Battalion since 2017. While the language in the Congressional Bill refers to the defunct Azov “Battalion”, it has been interpreted to mean a ban on material support from going to the Regiment specifically.[223]
Azov operated an annual children’s camp in 2015 and 2017, where attendees were known as “Azovets.” The purpose of these camps is to instill in children a sense of patriotism, nationalist ideas, and promote support for Azov.[224] The camps involve mock military drills, instruction in nationalist beliefs, and other tutelage.[225]
Azov has a street wing faction known as the National Druzhyna or National Militia, which aims to promote law and order within local neighborhoods.[226]
The group held parades in Mariupol to commemorate the anniversary of the 2014 battle.[227]
Prior to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Azov ran training sessions for civilians in Mariupol including medical care, survival and evacuation, and weapons training.[228] In Kyiv, roughly 350 civilians attended a paramilitary training event run by Azov.[229]
Azov is notable for its recruitment of far-right foreign fighters from the U.S. and Europe as well as its extensive transnational ties with other far-right organizations. Azov recruits foreign fighters on the basis of its white supremacist and neo-Nazi ideology to fight against pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine. The group has recruited fighters from eastern Ukraine as well as Belarus, Germany, Sweden, Spain, Italy, Canada, France, and Russia.[230] The Soufan Center reported that between 2014-2019 approximately 50,000 people from 17 countries – including the United States – traveled to fight in Ukraine although it is hard to determine how many specifically fought with Azov or were affiliated with far-right extremism.[231] A report by the Counter Extremism Project estimates that western foreign fighters in Ukraine with previous ties to right wing extremism numbered in the hundreds, and that the Azov Movement is the key hub for these extremists.[232]
European Far-Right and Identitarian Movement. Members of the Azov Movement have met with members of other European far-right political parties including Italy’s CasaPound and Germany’s National Democratic Party.[233] In 2017, the Azov Movement hosted a conference at which a CasaPound representative emphasized the far-right in Europe’s movement was about “redefining politics — language, symbolism and aesthetics.”[234] Other attendees at the conference included members from the French identitarian Union Defense Group (GUD), Alliansen – Alternativ for Norge, and American white nationalist Greg Johnson.[235]
Olena Semenyaka is a prominent “diplomat” of the Azov Movement. She has traveled extensively around Europe to network with other far-right nationalist and Identarian movements in Europe. She gave a lecture at an Identitarian Conference in 2019 where Jared Taylor and Kevin MacDonald were present. She also attended a Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond (EKRE)-sponsored celebration in 2019 and a Portuguese Identitarian conference with Escudo Identitario in 2019.[236] She has also engaged with the hate rock scene and met with members of Wotan Jugend as well as the German group Absurd, the French Peste Noire, and the Finnish Goatmoon.[237]
Right Sector. The Right Sector has been described as a “sister group” of the Azov Regiment.[238] Right Sector was one the most prominent far-right Ukrainian groups involved in the Euromaidan protests, which toppled president Yanukovych. Right Sector was an extreme-right, ultra-nationalist group which favored authoritarian politics and later opposed pro-Russian separatists.[239] Right Sector was described as an umbrella organization for other militant organizations including Trident, and the Azov predecessor organizations, Patriot of Ukraine and the Social National Assembly.[240]
Misanthropic Division. Azov has a strong affiliation with the Misanthropic Division. The Misanthropic Division is a nihilistic neo-Nazi paramilitary organization with similar ideological views as Azov. It originally formed around 2014 and participated in the Euromaidan Protests. In 2015, the Misanthropic Division published a manifesto pledging “immediate support” for the Azov Battalion.[241] By 2021, Misanthropic had largely merged with the Azov movement and disavowed militant activities.[242] However, Misanthropic Division remained active on social media setting up various shopfronts for selling merchandise, advertising, and fundraising through the Walknvt platform.[243]
C14/S14. C14 is a neo-Nazi nationalist group in Kyiv. It conducted an attack with Right Sector and Azov in 2016 against the left-wing Autonomous Resistance in Lviv.[244] The group typically attacks Roma and minority communities.[245]
Atomwaffen Division. AWD made contact with the Azov Movement. In 2015, AWD founder Brandon Russell reached out to an anonymous member of the Azov Regiment online. Presenting himself as “an avid supporter of the Azov Battalion” under the username “Odin,” Russell requested “some advice from you about my militia that I lead in the US.”[246] It is unclear what, if any, assistance he may have received from Azov Regiment members. In addition to Russell, the Azov Movement is known to have made contact with at least one other member of AWD. In January 2016, Andrew Oneschuk, a roommate of Russell, served as a guest on the Azov Regiment’s podcast, which frequently hosts representatives of far-right organizations in Europe and North America. He spoke about challenges facing Americans who wish to join Azoz in Ukraine as foreign fighters and expressed interest in learning tips in boosting membership of the extreme right.[247] In October 2020, Ukraine deported two American Atomwaffen members who were allegedly trying to join the Azov Regiment in order to gain experience fighting.[248]
AWD Ukraine. Ukraine allegedly hosts a group claiming to be an AWD affiliate, though the cell is not sanctioned by AWD central in the United States. Like AWD Russia, the official name of this organization is unclear; for ease of reference, this profile has adopted the term “self-declared AWD Ukraine.” Some sources have referred to this group by the name “AWD Galizien.”[249] “Galizien” is a reference to a unit of the Nazi Waffen-SS composed largely of ethnic Ukrainians during the Second World War. In December 2019, the self-declared AWD Ukraine released a video featuring five men wearing camouflage fatigues with AWD patches and threatening violence against Ukrainian politicians.[250] The men also wore blurred-out patches for two Ukrainian far-right organizations, the Azov Battalion and Right Sector.[251]
Rise Above Movement. In Ukraine, Olena Semenyaka, head of the National Corps hosted members of the U.S.-based extreme right Rise Above Movement (RAM).[252] Semenyaka later stated that the RAM’s leader Rundo and his compatriots “came to learn our ways” and “showed interest in learning how to create youth forces in the ways Azov has.”[253] During their visit, the RAM members joined the Azov Movement for sparring at the Reconquista Club, a mixed martial arts (MMA) club affiliated with the group.[254] Rundo entered an MMA competition for white supremacists from across Europe, supposedly the first American to take part in the history of the event.[255] While in Kyiv, Rundo also got a tattoo of the Viking warrior logo of White Rex, a clothing label founded by Russian MMA fighter and Azov Movement associate Denis Nikitin.[256]
Russian Imperial Movement. The Russian Imperial Movement is an adversary of the Azov Movement in the Ukrainian conflict.[257] In 2014 and 2015, RIM’s paramilitary force fought alongside pro-Russian separatists. Though Azov and RIM share some white supremacy extremist beliefs, they have fought on opposite sides in Ukraine’s civil war.
Feuerkrieg Division. Members of FKD expressed admiration for the Azov Regiment. Jarrett William Smith, for example, expressed admiration for Ukrainian far-right paramilitary groups like the Misanthropic Division and Azov. He had desired to travel to Ukraine to fight with the Azov Regiment to receive combat training. When he was unable to do so, he joined the US military instead.[258] In 2020, Smith was arrested and convicted of distributing information on social media of how to make a bomb.[259]
Ukraine gave the Azov Battalion official volunteer battalion status in May 2014.[260] It became an official part of the Interior Ministry’s National Guard later that year.[261]
American citizens have been amongst the extremists traveling to Ukraine with the expressed purpose of training with, or joining the Azov Regiment. American extremists traveling to Ukraine have included avowed neo-Nazis and white supremacists, as well as individuals subject to criminal investigation and arrest by American law enforcement. For example, four members of the violent white supremacist group, Rise Above Movement, were arrested by the FBI for violence at protests. In the FBI’s criminal complaint, the investigators noted the four arrestees had traveled to Ukraine with the expressed purpose of training with the Azov Regiment.[262] Two members of the U.S. based Atomwaffen Division, an accelerationist Neo-Nazi group, were deported by Ukrainian authorities in 2020 for attempting to join the Azov Regiment.[263] American military veterans have also joined Azov through their international recruitment program alongside far-right European volunteers.[264]
Far-right European volunteers have included veterans of European militaries, including the Swedish and Croatian militaries.[265] Russian dissidents have also joined the Azov Regiment. Unable to protest in Russia, these individuals traveled to Ukraine to directly join the fighting, and signed up for the Azov Regiment since it is predominantly a Russian speaking group.[266]
In 2016, members of the Azov Regiment and National Corps traveled to Poland where they received special operations training from the European Security Academy, a private company which caters training programs for security, law enforcement, and military professionals. [267] The group also received funding from charity donations, diaspora funds, and other European far-right groups.[268]
National Corps runs youth camps, claiming to provide a patriotic education alongside weapons training. These camps received funding from the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture.[269]
In early 2022, President Zelensky announced the formation of the International Legion, an organization specifically organized around foreign fighters travelling to Ukraine to fight against the Russian military.[270] By March 6, 2022, President Zelensky claimed 16,000 foreigners had already volunteered to fight, again though it is difficult to estimate how many of these are joining the Azov Movement, or Regiment more specifically.[271] By July, 2022, the Ukrainian military kept details of the International Legion, including numbers and home countries of volunteers, as closely guarded information.[272] Therefore little additional information has been made publicly available.
Arsen Avakov, as Interior Minister of Ukraine from 2014-2021, provided substantial support to PU, the Azov Battalion, and the broader movement post 2014.[273] Avakov began first providing support to PU when he was mayor of Kharkiv from 2005 to 2014. The Azov Battalion was incorporated into the Ukrainian National Guard within the Interior Ministry at the beginning of Avakov’s term as Minister.[274] Avakov took a method of cooperation with far-right organizations in Ukraine, and helped create an environment where those groups can operate with relative impunity.[275] Avakov sabotaged efforts at police reform, and during his time as Minister attacks carried out by far-right groups were rarely fully investigated.[276] In 2018, Biletsky stated he spoke with Avakov several times a year.[277] Michael Colborne, Bellingcat reporter who focuses on the far-right and Azov Movement, characterized the relationship between Avakov and Azov as mutually beneficial.[278] The Movement has relative autonomy, but is sometimes called upon to conduct actions favorable to Avakov.[279]
[1] Newman, Dina. “Ukraine conflict: 'White power' warrior from Sweden.” BBC. 2014. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-28329329; Umland, Andreas. “Irregular Militias and Radical Nationalism in Post-Euromaydan Ukraine: The Prehistory and Emergence of the “Azov” Battalion in 2014.” Terrorism and Political Violence. 2019. 31(1): 105-131, DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2018.1555974
[2] Chazan, Guy. “Ukrainian volunteer fighters with a luxurious seaside residence”. Financial Times. 2014. https://www.ft.com/content/f00b9d16-196a-11e4-8730-00144feabdc0
[3] “Ukraine’s Azov SOF Unit Eliminates Russia’s Troops, Observation Post, Arms Depot in Kharkiv Region (Video).” Defense Express, August 15, 2022. https://en.defence-ua.com/news/ukraines_azov_sof_unit_eliminates_russias_troops_observation_post_arms_depot_in_kharkiv_region_video-3893.html.
[4] Bodnar, Natalya. “Mariupolʹ i ‘Azov’ uzhe stali istoricheskim pozorom dlya Rossii, – eks-komandir polka Maksim Zhorin,” 24 Kanal. May 13, 2022. https://24tv.ua/ru/mariupol-azov-uzhe-stali-istoricheskim-pozorom-dlja-rossii-jeks_n1977820 and Pustiva, Valentina. “V Kharʹkove sozdano novoye podrazdeleniye SSO AZOV.”Korrespondent.net. May 30, 2022. https://korrespondent.net/ukraine/4482129-v-kharkove-sozdano-novoe-podra...
[5] “Profile: Who Are Ukraine's Far-Right Azov Regiment?” Military News | Al Jazeera. March 1, 2022. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/1/who-are-the-azov-regiment., There is some conflicting information about the group’s founding date with some sources claiming the group formed in May 2014. See, for example: Baczynska, Gabriel. “Ultra-nationalist Ukrainian battalion gears up for more fighting.” Reuters. 2015. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-ukraine-crisis-azov/ultra-nationalist-ukrainian-battalion-gears-up-for-more-fighting-idUSKBN0ML0XJ20150325)
[6] Olzanski, Tadeusz. “Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene.” Center for Eastern Studies. 2011. https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2011-07-05/svoboda-party-new-phenomenon-ukrainian-right-wing-scene
[7] Brayman, Lolita. “Ukrainian Nationalists Strive to Shake Off Allegations of anti-Semitism.” Haaretz. 2014. https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/.premium-ukrainians-rebut-anti-semitism-talk-1.5327269
[8] Hume, Tim. “How a Far-Right Battalion Became a Part of Ukraine's National Guard.” VICE. VICE, February 16, 2022. https://www.vice.com/en/article/3ab7dw/azov-battalion-ukraine-far-right.; Petik, Oles, and Denys Gorbach. “The Rise of Azov.” Open Democracy. Open Democracy, February 15, 2016. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/rise-of-azov/.; Colborne, Michael. From the Fires of War: Ukraine’s Azov Movement and the Global far-right. Columbia University Press, 2022. P. 92.
[9] Umland, Andreas. “Irregular Militias and Radical Nationalism in Post-Euromaydan Ukraine: The Prehistory and Emergence of the “Azov” Battalion in 2014.” Terrorism and Political Violence. 2019. 31(1): 105-131, DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2018.1555974; Newman, Dina. “Ukraine conflict: 'White power' warrior from Sweden.” BBC. 2014. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-28329329
[10] Krushelnycky, Askold. “The Battle for Mariupol.” Atlantic Council. 2014. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/the-battle-for-mariupol/
[11] Chazan, Guy. “Ukrainian volunteer fighters with a luxurious seaside residence”. Financial Times. 2014. https://www.ft.com/content/f00b9d16-196a-11e4-8730-00144feabdc0
[12] Krushelnycky, Askold. “The Battle for Mariupol.” Atlantic Council. 2014. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/the-battle-for-mariupol/
[13] Al Jazeera. “Ukrainian Troops Regain Mariupol.” News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, June 13, 2014. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2014/6/13/ukrainian-troops-regain-port-city-of-mariupol
[14] Colborne, Michael. “There's One Far-Right Movement That Hates the Kremlin.” Foreign Policy. Foreign Policy Magazine, April 17, 2019. https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/04/17/theres-one-far-right-movement-that-hates-the-kremlin-azov-ukraine-biletsky-nouvelle-droite-venner/
[15] John, Tara. “A Far-Right Battalion Has a Key Role in Ukraine's Resistance. Its Neo-Nazi History Has Been Exploited by Putin.” CNN. Cable News Network, March 30, 2022. https://www.cnn.com/2022/03/29/europe/ukraine-azov-movement-far-right-in....
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[199] Some examples of Azov unit uses of newly-received antitank weapons include the following: “Postril z NLW “vid pershoyi osoby”, biytsi “Azovu” demonstruyutʹ efektyvne vykorystannya tsiyeyi zbroyi (video).” Defense Express. May 20, 2022. https://defence-ua.com/news/postril_z_nlaw_vid_pershoji_osobi_bijtsi_azovu_demonstrujut_efektivne_vikoristannja_tsijeji_zbroji_video-7430.html ; O’Connor, Tom. “As Ukraine Rallies Nation to Defend from Russia, Far-Right Joins the Fight.” Newsweek. March 2, 2022. https://www.newsweek.com/ukraine-rallies-nation-defend-russia-far-right-joins-fight-1684187 ; NEXTA (@nexta_tv). “ A shipment of NLAW grenade launchers and instructors from #NATO countries arrived in #Kharkiv. The Azov regiment was the first to learn about new weaponry.” Tweet. March 8, 2022. https://twitter.com/nexta_tv/status/1501171543371665408
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