Main Tabs Group
Vertical Tabs
Like Al-Qaeda, ISKP identifies with Jihadi-Salafism, a distinct ideological movement in Sunni Islam. The group’s ideology is predicated on an extremist interpretation of Islamic scripture and anti-Shiite sectarian views.[97] The group draws on an especially strict brand of Salafism in particular, called Wahhabism.[98] The Islamic State adheres to “the Prophetic methodology”, a term it has coined in its press, billboards and propaganda, meaning that the group follows the prophecy and example of Muhammad.[99] IS’ grand strategic aim is to rule all historically Muslim lands in a caliphate that ultimately defeats the West. As an external affiliate, ISKP supports this objective by facilitating the group’s military expansion outside of Iraq and Syria and legitimizing its claimed status as a trans-regional organization. ISKP also aims to directly challenge Al-Qaeda and the Taliban as the leader of the global jihadist movement. ISKP’s main goal, however, is to establish and maintain Khorasan as a Wilayat (province) of the global IS caliphate.[100]
Although ISKP does not directly participate in politics, its existence reflects IS’ overarching political goals. Through ISKP, IS seeks to establish “Khorasan Province,” a region in Afghanistan in which IS has full territorial and political control.[101]
To attract more recruits and reinforce its brand in Afghanistan, ISKP incorporates many of the same brutal tactics employed by IS.[102] Like IS, which often uses suicide bombers to clear a path for other militants, ISKP has conducted several attacks with combined suicide bombers and shooters. For example, in July 2017, ISKP conducted an “inghimasi” attack against the Iraqi embassy in Kabul. Inghimasis refer to well-trained commandos who are prepared both to fight conventionally and to carry out suicide missions. In this specific attack, one of the two militants detonated his suicide vest, while the other open fired on the embassy.[103]
ISKP’s primary militant adversary is the Taliban, which it frequently targets in its attacks and engaged in battles for territorial control over Afghanistan.[104] The hostility between the two groups stems both from ideological differences and competition for resources. IS accused the Taliban of drawing its legitimacy from a narrow ethnic and nationalistic base, rather than a universal Islamic creed.[105] ISKP’s harsher rhetoric and opposition to peace talks with the US have drawn militants to defected from the Taliban.[106]
Before their respective withdrawal and collapse, ISKP was also a staunch enemy of the United States and the Republic of Afghanistan. Although ISKP and the Afghan government initially refrained from challenging one another, once ISKP had secured power in Nangarhar, it changed its policy of tolerance toward the Afghan government to one of open aggression.[107] This shift followed the Afghan government’s decision in July 2015 to begin halting the spread of ISKP. The government’s new strategy coincided with the series of lethal U.S. airstrikes against three top ISKP leaders in July 2015, for which the Afghan government claimed to have provided intelligence support. The Afghan government subsequently announced its official plan to unite with the United States in combating ISKP, and unveiled a new unit tasked with fighting the group. In addition to blaming the Afghan government for this increased targeting, ISKP condemned the Afghan government for its persecution of Pakistani militants, its cooperation with the Pakistan Army and ISI, and its support of local, Taliban-backed uprisings against ISKP. However, despite ISKP’s declared hostility against the Afghan government, most of its resources were directed at combating the Taliban. Throughout late 2015 and into 2016, the two groups battled for control over territory in Nangarhar, each time brutally executing and banishing the fighters and sympathizers of the losing group. Certain districts, such as Chaparhar, changed hands multiple times, as the Taliban and ISKP took turns executing elaborate counterattacks.[108]
ISKP also promotes sectarian violence, and targets civilians who do not adhere to its strict interpretation of Islam and jihadist ideology. Adherants to Shia Islam are frequent targets of ISKP attacks, including shootings and suicide bombings in Shia neighborhoods.[109] In extreme instances, IS has allegedly executed its own fighters. For example, on November 23, 2017, Afghan officials reported that ISKP beheaded more than a dozen of its own fighters in Achin.[110]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
April 18, 2015: ISKP conducted a suicide bombing outside a bank in Jalalabad, Afghanistan (33 killed, 100+ wounded).[111]
May 13, 2015: 6 gunmen allegedly associated with ISKP attacked a bus in Karachi, Pakistan. Although IS claimed the attack, Jundullah (a group allegiant to IS) and the TTP also claimed responsibility. If ISKP’s claim is accurate, this attack would be its first in Pakistan (45 killed, 13 wounded).[112]
July 23, 2016: ISKP conducted a dual suicide bombing in Kabul, Afghanistan, on a group of demonstrators from Afghanistan’s Shiite Hazara minority. The bombing was one of the deadliest attacks in Afghanistan since the invasion of the United States in 2001 (80+ killed, 230+ wounded).[113]
August 8, 2016: ISKP conducted a suicide bombing at a civil hospital in Quetta, Pakistan. The attack took place after a number of lawyers and journalists had gathered at the hospital to mourn the death of the president of the Balochistan Bar Association in a separate shooting incident earlier that day. Although the attack is attributed to ISKP, Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JA) also claimed responsibility (93 killed, 120 wounded).[114]
October 24, 2016: Three ISKP militants attacked 700 unarmed, sleeping cadets at a police training center in Quetta, Pakistan. At least 260 cadets were rescued by Special Services Group commandos in a counter-offensive against the attackers. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) also claimed responsibility for the attack (61 killed, 165 injured).[115]
February 16, 2017: ISKP conducted a suicide bombing at a Sufi shrine in Sehwan, Pakistan, where hundreds of devotees had gathered to perform a religious ritual. The attack appeared to be concentrated on the portion of the shrine reserved for women (100 killed, 250 wounded).[116]
March 8, 2017: ISKP militants dressed as doctors stormed the largest military hospital in Kabul, Afghanistan. The militants, armed with guns and grenades, opened fire on staff and patients after detonating explosives at the hospital gate. After several hours of fighting, Afghan commandos killed all four ISKP attackers (49 killed, 90 wounded).[117]
April 22, 2018: An ISKP militant attacked a voter registration center in Kabul, Afghanistan using a suicide bomb. The casualties were all identified as civilians, most of whom had been waiting to apply for state-issued IDs in order to register to vote in the upcoming elections (57 killed, 119 injured).[118]
August 17, 2019: An ISKP suicide bomber detonated and explosive in the men’s section of a heavily attended wedding in Kabul. Other ISKP mliitants detonated an explosives-laden vechicle when emergency services arrived at the scene. Most of the attendees were members of the Shia Hazara minority, whom ISKP doctrine considers “apostates” (63 killed, 180+ injured).[119]
August 2, 2020: ISKP demonstrated a renewed capacity for sophisticated attacks in a raid on a Jalalabad prison in August. The militants detonated an explosive vechicle at the prison’s main gate, then stormed the building. The gunmen freed hundreds of prisoners (though many were later recaptured) and exeecuted several Taliban members who were detained at the prison. It took nearly 24 hours for Afghan Security Forces to fully repel the attackers (29 killed, 50 wounded).[120]
August 26, 2021: An ISKP suicide bomber detonated an explosive at the Kabul Airport during the Taliban takeper of Afghanistan. The entrance to the airport was crowded with Afghans attempting to flee the country and guarded by US military personnel. The militant was able to use the crowd as cover and force thier way to the gate where the explosion could kill US servicemen in addition to Afghan Civilians The deadliness of the blast raised questions as to the cause of all related deaths: namely the possibility that US and coalition forces killed some civilians after the explosion. A Pentagon report claims that US fire after the attack comprised only warning shots, and that any apparent bullet wounds were actually inflicted by ball-bearings in the explosive (183+ killed, unknown wounded).[121]
Vertical Tabs
- January 14, 2016: The U.S. Secretary of State designated ISKP as a foreign terrorist organization in accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act.[122]
- November 2, 2017: The Australian Government designated ISKP as a terrorist organization under its Criminal Code Division 102.[123]
- June 21, 2018: The Indian Home Ministry designated ISKP as a terrorist organization under the anti-terror law and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of 1967.[124]
During the initial months of ISKP’s rule in Mamand, specifically from mid-May to early July 2015, villagers viewed the group as a benign and positive alternative to the Taliban. Unlike the Taliban, which forcibly took from the local population, ISKP provided its own food and shelter, and did not impose a tax. It also initially allowed both male and female schools to remain open.[125] Initailly, ISKP commanders claimed that the group had no quarrel with the Afghan government, and was instead focused on opposing the Taliban and its link to the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).[126]
As ISKP grew in strength throughout 2015, it attempted to expand and consolidate its control through a variety of cruel tactics, including summary justice, forced displacement, and executions of clerics and elders.[127] By early autumn of 2015, ISKP had lost much of its popularity among the Nangarhari locals. Although the leniency of ISKP’s early rule was initially promising, citizen support dropped as it began to engage in violent guerilla tactics and enforce Sharia law with brutal punishments. Examples of ISKP’s brutal governance included school and clinic closures, public executions, killings of tribal elders, kidnappings for ransom, destruction of Sufi shrines, and cigarette bans.[128] One of ISKP’s most unpopular policies was its ban on poppy cultivation, which was an extremely important source of income for many families in Nangarhar. Finally, rumors also began to circulate that local families would be forced to provide ISKP militants with brides without dowry payments or consideration for tribe and family lineage. Ultimately, the threats ISKP posed to the physical, economic, and social wellbeing of the citizens of Nangarhar incited public support for the return of the Taliban.[129]
In 2016, the Afghan government attempted to harness local opposition to ISKP by partnering with local militias.[130]However, ISKP pointed to and exaggerated the collateral damage inflicted by U.S. and Afghan military attacks to maintain their dominance.[131] The US and ANSF employed this tactic with more success in 2019 during the assault on ISKP in Nangarhar, where local militias fought to push ISKP out of the province.[132]
ISKP has also found support among urban members of the middle-class. With traditional social strictures fractured by war, these recruits find appeal in ISKP’s “pure” Salafi ideology and the promise of a proper caliphate. Many members of the ISKP “Kabul Cell” were radicalized while enrolled in Afghan Universities by hardline Salafi students and faculty.[133] An ISKP prisoner claimed during an NDS interrogation that his organization had recruited “many” students from Kabul University who have gone on to wage Jihad in Nangarhar, Kabul, and even Iraq and Syria.[134]
In the early days of its formation, ISKP recruited militants that had been pushed into Afghanistan by the Pakistani military. Many of these militants were directly linked to groups such as the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), and other Central Asian Groups.[135]
In order to secure its position in Afghanistan, ISKP had to challenge the two militant groups that posed the greatest threat to its dominance—the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Instead of co-opting other groups, as it had done in Egypt and Nigeria, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, IS attempted to discredit its rivals. In December 2014, IS denounced Al Qaeda and the Taliban for prioritizing tribal law over Shariah law, and for failing to violently target Shiite communities. Notably, IS condemned former Taliban leader Mullah Omar for preaching a distorted version of the true Islam.[136]
In April 2015, ISKP and the Taliban declared “jihad” against one another in Afghanistan. The hostility between the two groups began with IS’ accusations that the Taliban drew its legitimacy from a narrow ethnic and nationalistic base, rather than a universal Islamic creed.[137] It also criticized the Taliban for its alleged connections to the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). In June 2015, the Taliban chastised IS for creating divisions among militants that were harmful to the Afghan jihad.[138] IS responded a week later, commanding the Taliban to pledge allegiance to IS.
In addition to this ideological battle, ISKP and the Taliban are in constant competition for territory and recruits in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Through large-scale defections, ISKP has represented the greatest challenge by another militant group to the Taliban’s dominance in the region.[139] When the Taliban officially confirmed the death of Mullah Omar in July 2015, ISKP absorbed a significant number of Taliban defectors as recruits. This news also spurred the IMU to pledge its forces to the IS.[140] ISKP continues to engage the Taliban in bloody clashes over territory. Since 2015, ISKP and the Taliban have fought for control over Chaprarhar. Most recently, on April 2, 2017, ISKP captured nearly half of Chaprarhar in a coordinated offensive against the Taliban.[141]
One of ISKP’s closest allies is Laskhar-e-Islam (LeI). Although LeI has not officially merged with ISKP, the two groups act in such close coordination that many locals in Nangarhar view LeI as a wing of ISKP.[142] By partnering with ISKP, LeI has improved its ability to influence the cross-border land conflicts in which it is engaged, and to gain control of strategic smuggling routes. In return, this relationship has allowed ISKP to broaden its support base and increase its operational capacity.[143]
There are several groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan that bolster the ISKP network. These groups have publically pledged allegiance to al-Baghdadi but have yet to be formally acknowledged by IS leadership.[144] Ansar-ul-Khilafat Wal-Jihad (AKWJ) is the first Pakistan-based militant organization to have publically pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. AKWJ, formally known as Tehrik-e-Khilafat-o-Jihad, first pledged allegiance to IS in July 2014, and then again in September 2017. In January 2015, AKWJ pledged allegiance specifically to ISKP leader, Hafiz Saeed Khan. The group has allegedly conducted a number of small-scale attacks in Hyderabad and Karachi, targeting state officials and Shiites. AKWJ claims to conduct these attacks in the interest of helping the caliphate and avenging the killings of mujahedeen in Karachi and Khyber Agency.[145] Another group that actively supports IS is the Pakistani Jundullah. The Pakistani Jundullah, a splinter group of the TTP, allegedly pledged allegiance to IS in 2014. The group has conducted limited attacks against Shiite shrines and medical workers in Quetta.[146] Finally, representatives of Lal Masjid (Red Mosque), a mosque widely associated with jihadism, openly support the expansion of the IS caliphate.
There are also several militant groups that have not publicly pledged allegiance to IS, but are supportive of IS and its agenda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. For example, although Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JA) remains outwardly loyal to the TTP, the group praises IS and mirrors its messaging.[147]
In 2015, there was unconfirmed speculation that IS encouraged all anti-Shiite militant groups in Pakistan to support the caliphate and proposed that elements of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Ahl-e-Sunnat Wai Jamat (ASWJ) collaborate in Pakistan.[148]
According to a UN Security Council report, current ISKP leader Shabab al-Muhajir, may have ties to the Haqqani militant network. Although the group is part of the Taliban, some member states of the UNSC reported “tactical or commander-level collaboration” between it and ISKP. Other member states “strongly deny” these claims, and the official report stresses that any such relations are based on personal rather than organizational relationships. Regardless, the report concludes that the Haqqani network likely tacitly allowed ISKP personnel movements to attack the former Afghan Government.[149] The leader of the Haqqani network, Sirajuddin Haqqan, is the acting Interior Minister of Afghanistan.[150] It is unclear what this means for the future of ISKP-Haqqani relations.
According to U.S. Army General Campbell, senior ISKP leadership did communicate with core IS leadership in Iraq and Syria in its early years. However, despite pledging allegiance to ISIS, American and Afghan military officials had little evidence that the group maintains regular contact or receives directions from IS.[151] Furthermore, U.S. military analysts report that IS does not directly orchestrate operations in Afghanistan.[152
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